The Nahua NewsletterWith support from the Department of Anthropology
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
Alan R. Sandstrom, Editor
A Publication of the Indiana University
Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies
November 1994, Number 18
The Nahua Newsletter
With support from the Department
of Anthropology
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
Alan R.
Sandstrom, Editor
A Publication of the Indiana
University
Center for Latin American
and Caribbean Studies
Welcome to the November 1994 issue of the Nahua Newsletter. Interest continues to be strong in the newsletter and the editor is happy to note the completion of nine years of publication. With each issue new individuals and institutions write to be added to the subscriber list, making the NN an even more effective communication instrument for people whose reading or research focus is the culture, history, and language of Nahuas and related groups.
Please keep the letters coming and make use of this unique forum to let others know of your work or to request information about your particular interests. Send announcements or requests in care of the editor at the address listed below. If the material you wish to appear in the NN is longer than a few lines, please send it on a 3.5-inch disk saved in WordPerfect or as an ASCII/DOS text file. This frees the editor from a great deal of work and insures the accuracy of your communication.
I am very pleased to announce that the NN has received an Inter Campus Outreach Grant from the Indiana University Office of International Programs. The grant, in the amount of $600, is to help offset costs of printing and mailing future issues. Thanks are due to Patrick O'Meara, Dean of the Office of International Programs, who by approving the grant recognizes the contribution that NN makes to international scholarship on Nahuatl-speaking peoples. Thanks are also due to Russell Salmon, Director of the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, who sponsored the grant application.
In addition we should express our gratitude to loyal readers who sent donations of their own. Since the last issue, these gifts have amounted to more than $300. The generosity of these readers in combination with the grant from Indiana University means that we currently have enough money in the account to publish three future issues. I hope that these positive events will encourage even more of you to send in donations to help support the NN. All money received is put toward future issues, and production and mailing overhead has been kept to an absolute minimum. Please mail checks made out to the Nahua Newsletter to:
Alan R. Sandstrom, Editor Nahua Newsletter Department of Anthropology Indiana-Purdue University Fort Wayne 2101 Coliseum Blvd. East Fort Wayne, Indiana 46805
In this issue you will find news items of interest, book reviews, and a directory update containing address changes and additional information sent in by individual subscribers. The purpose of the NN is to facilitate communication and create a worldwide community of people with similar interests. Your input is important if we are to succeed. The next issue is scheduled for early spring, so if you have items to be included please forward them to the editor.
Finally, the editor would like to express a debt of thanks on behalf of readers to those scholars who have taken the time to review books for the NN. Book reviews are a convenient way for researchers and students to keep abreast of recent publications and for reviewers to express their opinions on the direction of scholarship in their specialties. However, not everyone has managed to submit their review in a timely fashion. If you have agreed to review a book for the NN, it would be a great help to the editor if you would submit it as soon as possible. Readers are interested in your evaluation and words of wisdom regarding recent publications in the field.
(1) As a service to readers, the NN editor contacted Leonard Glick, a dealer in anthropology books, and asked if he would be interested in providing a list of titles on Mesoamerica that readers may purchase. The idea is to make the list available so that readers would be able to add to their own collections or perhaps have their university libraries acquire needed items. It is my hope that NN readers will find this service useful, particularly overseas subscribers who do not have convenient access to the U.S. used-book market. If readers find this service to be a good idea, I would like to expand the list, making it a regular feature of future issues. Please let me know what you think. Len sent the following statement about his company, Quabbin Books, along with a brief list of titles that are currently available.
"Quabbin Books, dealers in used, new and out-of-print books in anthropology and archaeology, have been providing books by catalogue to professional anthropologists, graduate students, and libraries since 1982. The owners, Nansi and Leonard Glick, are anthropologists. Our books are carefully selected, with emphasis on ethnographic, cross-cultural, theoretical and archaeological studies of professional quality. New books are offered at substantial discounts, and all books are reasonably priced. Below is a sample listing of our books; most are still available, but of course some may have been sold by the time this list is published. New titles are being added regularly, and catalogues are issued several times annually.
"To order books or to be placed on the mailing list, please write to Quabbin Books, P.O. Box 14, New Salem, MA 01355. Individuals with departmental or other professional addresses may order without sending advance payment; others are asked to send payment until credit is established. We are unable to accept credit cards.
"When ordering, please mention that you saw the Quabbin list in the Nahua Newsletter. Mailing fees are $1.00 for one book to a maximum of $3.00 for four or more books. Foreign fees are $1.50 for one book to a maximum of $4.00 for four or more. Note: (i.p.) = book in print at listed price; Quabbin Books price follows."
BENJAMIN, THOMAS. A Rich Land, A Poor People: Politics and Society in Modern Chiapas. Univ. of New Mexico Pr., 1989. 360 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 40.00) 18.00
COVARRUBIAS, MIGUEL. Mexico South: The Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 1st ed. N.Y.: Knopf, 1946. 427 pp., 93 plates, 8 color pl., numer, line drawings. Cond. very good. 20.00
MARTIN, CHERYL E. Rural Society in Colonial Morelos. Univ. of New Mexico Pr., 1985. 255 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 27.50) 14.50
HEDRICK, BASIL C. et al., eds. The North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography. Southern Illinois Univ. Pr., 1971. 255 pp. Cond. exc. 12.00
JOSEPH, GILBERT M. Rediscovering the Past at Mexico's Periphery: Essays on the History of Modern Yucatan. Univ. of Alabama Pr., 1986. 203 pp., 10 photos. Cond. exc. (i.p. 30.00) 16.00
HILL, ROBERT M. II & JOHN MONAGHAN. Continuities in Highland Maya Social Organization: Ethnohistory in Sacapulas, Guatemala. Univ. of Pennsylvania Pr., 1987. 176 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 35.00) 15.00
MADSEN, WILLIAM. The Virgin's Children: Life in an Aztec Village Today. Greenwood Pr., 1960, repr. 1969. 248 pp., numer, illus. Cond. v.g.-exc. (i.p. 48.50) 17.00
BRAND, DONALD. Quiroga: A Mexican Municipio. Smithsonian Inst., Inst. of Soc. Anthrop., Publ. No. 11, 1951. 242 pp., 4 maps, 35 plates. Soft cover. Cond. good-v.g. 15.00
BEALS, RALPH L. Cheran: A Sierra Tarascan Village. Cooper Sq., 1973 (Orig. ed. 1946.) 225 pp., 8 pl. Cond. v.g.-exc. (Repr. ed. 35.00) 12.00
PENNINGTON, CAMPBELL W. The Tepehuan of Chihuahua: Their Material Culture. Univ. of Utah Pr., 1969. 413 pp., 63 illus. Soft cover. Cond. v.g. exc. 15.00
TAGGART, JAMES M. Nahuat Myth and Social Structure. Univ. of Texas Pr., 1983. 287 pp. Cond. exc. 15.50
FINKLER, KAJA. Spiritualist Healers in Mexico. Bergin & Garvey, 1985. 256 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 30.00) 15.50
STONE, MARTHA. At the Sign of Midnight: The Concheros Dance Cult of Mexico. Univ. of Arizona Pr., 1975. 262 pp., 11 illus. Cond. exc. 15.00
GREENBERG, JAMES. Santiago's Sword: Chatino Peasant Religion and Economics. Univ. of Calif. Pr., 1981. 227 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 30.00) 16.50
LOGAN, KATHLEEN. Hacienda Pueblo: The Development of a Guadalajaran Suburb. Univ. of Alabama Pr., 1984. 141 p., 9 photos, 3 maps. Cond. v.g. exc. 14.50
EDMONSON, MUNRO S., ed. Handbook of Middle American Indians, Supplement 3: Literature. Univ. of Texas Pr., 1985. 195 pp. Cond. exc. (i.p. 35.00) 20.00
FOX, JOHN W. Quiche Conquest: Centralism and Regionalism in Highland Guatemalan State Development. Univ. of New Mexico Pr., 1978. 322 pp., 43 figs., 11 maps. Cond. v.g.-exc. 19.00
DE SAHAGUN, FR. BERNARDINO. Veinte Himnos Sacros de los Nahuas. Univ. Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1958. 277 pp. Library copy, rebound in boards. Cond. good. 14.00
(2) The following information about a new Mesoamerican research foundation was sent to the NN by Sandra Noble Bardsley, Executive Director, and is reproduced for the convenience of readers:
Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. 268 South Suncoast Blvd. Crystal River, FL 34429 Tel. (904) 795-5990 or 7721 Fax (904) 795-1970
The Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., was formed in 1993 to foster increased understanding of ancient Mesoamerican culture. The goal of the Foundation is to support research in art, history, archaeology, anthropology, epigraphy, linguistics, sociology, and other related fields focusing on PreColumbian Mesoamerica.
The Foundation is located in Crystal River, Florida, and involves three major departments: the Granting Facility, the Research Facility, and the Conference Facility. The Conference Facility is arranged to accommodate small Study Sessions. The Research Facility is comprised of a comprehensive Mesoamerican-oriented library, a privately owned PreColumbian art collection, and individual offices for scholars. The Foundation Granting Facility is funded by an endowment for research grants determined annually by a grant application competition. The research grants are not restricted to investigations conducted only at the Foundation premises.
The Foundation Facilities are intended to allow recent college graduates, master's and doctoral candidates, and active professionals opportunities for scholarly contributions to the advancement of Mesoamerican studies. Projects may include field work, library research, writing support, special projects in the social sciences, art history, humanities, or a combination of these. Along with opportunities for intellectual and professional growth, the Foundation's intent is to encourage cross-cultural interaction and mutual understanding on a person-to-person basis in an atmosphere of academic integrity and intellectual freedom.
1. The purposes of the Foundation Granting Facility are to assist and promote well-qualified scholars who might otherwise be unable to complete their programs of research and synthesis, and to support scholarly works with the potential for significant contributions to the understanding of ancient Mesoamerican cultures.
2. The Foundation Granting Facility is supported by an annual gift of $100,000, to be distributed as research grants of up to and no more than $10,000 each. With assistance from an Advisory Board, the final selection of all Foundation Grantees is the responsibility of the Board of Directors of the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. (FAMSBD), which establishes the procedures of the Granting Facility and the criteria for selection of Grantees.
3. It is the policy of the FAMSBD that grants be awarded to the best qualified scholars regardless of degree level. However, preference is for recent graduates, degree candidates, and active professionals who are currently involved in fully-developed programs of study and/or research.
1. Foundation Grants. As the Foundation's intent is to support a wide variety of projects such as field work, library research, or writing of syntheses, grants are available in likewise varying amounts. Grants may thus range from $500, to amounts of a few thousand dollars, to grants of up to $10,000. These grants are payable in U.S. dollars, in up to three installments. Dates of installments vary according to specific circumstances, but initial disbursements occur within ninety (90) days from the date of an applicant's approval by FAMSBD. All notification of FAMSBD decisions is generally made prior to December 31 or June 30, for each calendar year.
2. Foundation Contingency Grants. One of the Foundation's goals is to provide emergency funds, especially for unforeseen situations encountered during research, field work, and/or the dissemination of new research. Such contingency grants are for unspecified amounts to be determined by FAMSBD according to specific circumstances, and are generally awarded within one month of Foundation approval.
3. Foundation Discretionary Funds. Note that the Foundation reserves the right to make partial reservations of the endowed grant monies, for discretionary research funds earmarked for specific areas of scholarship and study. Such decisions are publicized sufficiently in advance.
1. Preference is for applicants who have recently completed, or who are undertaking completion of a graduate-level university degree, or who have extensive professional study and/or experience in ancient Mesoamerican cultures.
2. Grantees who have received a grant from the Foundation are eligible to reapply for an additional Foundation Grant or Foundation Contingency Grant, although it should be understood that new applications may be given greater priority.
3. Members of the Foundation Board of Directors, the Advisory Board, their spouses, and their lineage descendants are ineligible for grants.
4. To the extent that a Grantee does not complete the project and/or does not comply with all Grantee Agreements, that person shall be permanently ineligible for future grant monies from the Foundation.
5. To the extent that the approved project requires the use of a foreign language, applicants without proficiency in that language are ineligible.
(3) Susan Evans writes, "Garland Publishing Co. is now producing a series of encyclopedias on archaeology, including a three-volume set on the archaeology of the New World. One of the volumes is Ancient Mexico and Central America: An Encyclopedia, edited by Susan Toby Evans and David L. Webster (both at the Department of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802-3404). The volume will include about 500 articles on topics ranging from archaeological sites and regions to ideological concepts and symbolic domains. The topic list is now in working order and many articles are now being written, but changes in the scope of topics will continue until June 1995. Suggestions for topics and authors are welcomed. Please contact Susan Evans at the above address, by e-mail at ste@psuvm.psu.edu or by phone at (814) 237-5978."
(4) Susan Schroeder has sent along the following announcement about the Codex Chimalpahin Project of which she is general editor. The codex will be published in six volumes by the University of Oklahoma Press. Each volume will be fully Indexed with bibliographic information and cross referencing when appropriate. Facsimile publication of the Bible Society, Browning, and "Diario" manuscripts to be considered later.
Volume 1, Chimalpahin: His Life and His Histories; volume editor and author, Susan Schroeder.
Bringing together everything that is known about Chimalpahin--his home in Amecameca, his family, his life in Mexico City, his career as a copyist and historian and the tradition of indigenous literacy and history keeping in colonial Mexico, his possible association with historian and educator Juan de Tovar, S.J. and the Colegio de San Gregorio, and the significance of his contributions as author and compiler of the most comprehensive collection of Nahuatl and Spanish histories by a known Nahua.
Volume 2, Society and Politics in Mexico Tenochtitlan, Tlatelolco, Texcoco, Culhuacan, and Other Nahua Towns in Central Mexico; volume editors and translators, Arthur J.O. Anderson, Susan Schroeder, and Barry David Sell; Manuscript editor, Wayne Ruwet; British and Foreign Bible Society Ms. 374.
Nahuatl annals, chronicles, and other texts relating to politics and society in the principal kingdoms of central Mexico during the preconquest and colonial periods as collected and collated [apparently] by don Carlos Sigüenza y Góngora.
Volume 3, Society and Politics in Mexico Tenochtitlan, Tlateloloco, Texcoco, Culhuacan, and Other Nahua Towns in Central Mexico (cont.); volume editors and translators, Arthur J. O. Anderson, Susan Schroeder, and Barry David Sell; Manuscript editor, Wayne Ruwet; British and Foreign Bible Society Ms. 374, Ayer Ms. 1484, Newberry Library, Chicago; and Exercicio Quotidiano by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, copyist, Chimalpahin, translated by Arthur J.O. Anderson.
Annals, genealogies, calendrics, with appendixes containing relevant anonymous Nahuatl accounts not by Chimalpahin but part of the "Sigüenza" collection. A long letter in Nahuatl by a Juan de San Antonio of Texcoco is included, as is Chimalpahin's (and the only one extant) copy of Sahagún's Nahuatl "Daily Exercise" for Nahua Christians.
Volume 4, Part l, Relaciones 1 through 6, trans. and ed. by J. Richard Andrews; volume editor, Susan Schroeder; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Fonds Mexicain, Ms. 74.
Migrations and rituals; early kingdom formation in the Valley of Mexico, ca. 670 A.D. to 1500 A.D.; Amecameca and Chalco, especially.
Volume 4, Part 2, Relaciones 7 and 8, trans. and ed. by J. Richard Andrews; volume editor, Susan Schroeder; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Fonds Mexicain, Ms. 74.
Preconquest and early colonial Mexico, ca. 1500-1612, with some overlap in the annals, history of Amecameca.
Volume 5, Diario, trans and ed. by J. Richard Andrews; volume editor, Susan Schroeder; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Fonds Mexicain, Ms. 220.
Nahuatl annals and first-hand eyewitness accounts of Spanish and indigenous life in colonial Mexico City, 1589-1615.
Volume 6, La conquista de México by Francisco López de Gómara; volume editor and translator, Susan Schroeder; Browning Ms., Newberry Library, Chicago.
Translation and critical analysis of Chimalpahin's version of López deGómara's Conquista de México as it is known from the earliest extant copy (Boturini, ca. 1746). This copy contains Chimalpahin's additions, deletions, and other emendations as well as forty crucial chapters about Nahua culture missing from Lesley Byrd Simpson's edition in English. Addresses how it was that a Nahuatl-speaking Indian came to make a copy of this forbidden book.
(5) And Cristian Alvarez sends this communication to the NN editor:
"Mi investigación la estoy realizando en San Esteban Tizatlán, uno de los cuatros señorios de lo que fue la República Tlaxcalteca. El objeto de estudio es la estructura y dinámica barrial en la organización social de la comunidad. De momento no puedo aventurarme en conclusiones pues sólo tengo datos sin analizar; no obstante, creo haber encontrado un sistema barrial que no está reportado en la literatura etnográfica sobre el tema (al menos en la que yo he revisado). En Tizatlán, hay un doble sistema barrial cruzado: a una división físico-territorial (barrio de arriba-barrio de abajo) se "superpone" una división eclesiástica (barrio de arriba-barrio de abajo) que no es simétrica a la división territorial, sino que divide a cada mitad en dos mitades eclesiásticas. Es decir, la comunidad esta dividida por una barranca en un barrio de arriba y un barrio de abajo. Esta división física se hace patente principalmente con respecto a la lucha política por obtener la agencia municipal. A su vez, la comunidad, con respecto a la mayordomía eclesiástica y las colaboraciones, está dividida en barrio de arriba y barrio de abajo: un año colaboran y ostentan los cargos un barrio y al siguiente el otro barrio. Mi sorpresa fue que estos barrios eclesiásticos no son simétricos a los territoriales: en el barrio físico de arriba las familias están eclesiásticamente divididas, y en el barrio físico de abajo ocurre lo mismo. Ya se puede imaginar el efecto integrativo que esta división eclesiástica tiene sobre las tendencias "separatistas" de los barrios físicos. No le puedo anticipar más cosas, pues como le digo, los datos están todavía sin analizar. En el momento que tenga algo más elaborado o la misma tesis, se lo mandaré para que pueda revisarlo y me pueda ofrecer sus opiniones."
Quite simply, William R. Fowler's culture history of two pre Columbian ethnic groups, the Nahua-speaking Pipil and Nicarao of northern Central America, is a tour de force. Skillfully drawing upon the conjunctive approach of mining data from history, linguistics, ecology, and to a lesser extent, archaeology, he meticulously reconstructs and analyzes the cultural evolution of the two groups. Another volume dealing with detailed archaeological data and investigation is promised. This book, which gives close attention to the broader theoretical questions of cultural evolution, is a substantially revised version of part of his doctoral dissertation (Calgary, 1981).
This book consists of fourteen chapters containing seventeen illustrations and thirteen tables. The introductory chapter persuades the reader that in addition to their intrinsic value the Pipil-Nicarao are worthy of study for many reasons. Specifically, these groups are examples of frontier societies that can be used as a lens from which to examine the ideology and adaptations of related core societies. The transformation of the Pipil-Nicarao also exemplify two processes of culture change, namely, migration and warfare. Furthermore, the evolution of cultural complexity through economic institutions such as interregional and long-distance trade also figures into his exegesis. Using cultural ecology as the organizing framework, the conjunctive approach employed by Fowler expands the range of topics that can be addressed within this kind of study, and the ensuing chapters reflect this breadth and depth.
In the absence of surviving native texts, Fowler relies upon primary historical sources, and he is to be commended for his extensive research in colonial archives in Spain and Central America. In this volume and elsewhere, he has critically analyzed the historical sources on the Pipil Nicarao before presenting a rigorous and thorough synthesis. Following the high standards for which ethnohistorical research in the Mesoamerican region is known, Fowler carefully weaves together a contribution which fills a particular lacuna in our knowledge of the Postclassic and Protohistoric Pipil of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras and Nicarao of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
The focus of Chapter 3 is the Pipil-Nicarao migrations. Fowler summarizes the historical evidence and previous interpretations. Based on exhaustive historical, linguistic, and archaeological evidence, Fowler's assessment is that quite-complicated Nahua population movements took place from about A.D. 900 to A.D. 1350 in Central America (p. 49). Chapter 4 continues discussion of Nahua territory and population distribution in this region at the time of the encounter and shortly afterward. This presentation lays the groundwork for his later discussion of the Pipil Nicarao population at Spanish contact (Chapter 9). He uses four different methods to reconstruct these population estimates. They involve (1) the analysis of the few extant contemporary sources, including the eyewitness Pedro de Alvarado, and Oviedo's reports of Mercedarian missionary efforts prior to 1535; (2) estimates based on the number of Pipil and Nicarao troops engaged in combat with Spaniards and their allies, the size of their home territory and the establishment of a ratio of warriors to the entire population; (3) extrapolations from census data recorded in the first half of the sixteenth century; and (4) calculations made on the basis of average carrying capacity at the time of the encounter. As Fowler himself admits, each of these sources has limitations in preciseness and availability of information. The thoroughness with which he investigates this problem and the congruence of the results of the four methods are quite convincing. In sum, Fowler estimates that in 1519 the Pipil numbered at least 350,000 in western and central El Salvador and 100,000 in southeastern Guatemala, while the Nicarao numbered some 100,000 to 140,000 in western Nicaragua (p. 151).
Adhering to his cultural ecology perspective, Fowler provides in Chapters 5 through 8 detailed and highly informative data on the natural environment of the Pipil-Nicarao, their ethnobotany, agriculture, and ethnozoology. This information is useful for comparative purposes with other areas of Mesoamerica. Certainly the rich natural resources and conditions he describes support his contention that the region was able to sustain a quite large and densely-settled population before the encounter.
Chapters 10 through 13 reconstruct economic organization emphasizing production exchange and tribute, social structure and dynamics, warfare, law and politics, and finally, religion and ideology. His research is well-documented and extremely detailed, admirable characteristics that infuse the entire volume. In addition, the sections on economic and social organization are sensitive to including information concerning gender and class.
The final chapter, "Cultural Evolution and the Pipil-Nicarao," examines the processes of specific cultural evolution between the ancient Pipil and the Nicarao in order to explain their sociocultural similarities and differences. Fowler's arguments center on a "holistic ecological explanation" (p. 250), which gives consideration to environmental factors, but focuses on the larger arena of dynamic social factors in order to more fully explain why the Pipil reached the state level of organization while the Nicarao remained chiefdoms. He frames his discussion within the broader Mesoamerican context.
It is most appropriate that Fowler uses the concept of frontier society since it is within this framework that researchers have made distinctive contributions to historical ethnography. His claim that frontier societies "represent simpler versions of related core" (p. 5), however, does not acknowledge the inherent complexities of the dynamics of frontier situations. The evidence he presents does not explicitly address his contention that the distance of the Pipil and Nicarao from the core makes it possible "to detect and analyze the forces and direction of change at the periphery" (p. 5). It appears that he could more fully utilize frontier theory for the powerful explanatory tool it can be.
Certainly Fowler has significantly advanced our knowledge of the southeast periphery of Mesoamerica. In the last twenty years, many Mesoamerican anthropologists -- Robert Carmack, John Weeks, Grant Jones, Kent Flannery, and Ronald Spores, to name just a few -- have used the conjunctive approach, combining several lines of evidence, in order to push the boundaries of our insights into the prehistory and protohistory of this region. Fowler's efforts encourage anthropologists not only to delineate cultures and locate them in historical time, but to study the process, conditions, and events that affect and transform their social structure. His contribution is worthy of emulation.
Nancy J. Black
Metropolitan State University, St. Paul, Minnesota
This book describes and analyzes the cargo rituals of a Nahua Indian village, Chignautla, in the Sierra de Puebla of Mexico. The focus is on religious belief, but the book brings other ethnographic topics, such as economics and kinship, into the discussion of religion. The author seeks to describe the awareness of the supernatural world created by the cargo rituals and is less interested in the real consequences, such as economic ones, of the rituals. She uses an inductive method in which the meaning of rituals is revealed by the structure of people's behavior rather than by their conscious descriptions. She observes the "attitudes" of the cargo holders. From these she induces the cultural meaning of the rituals. This is in keeping with her present profession as a psychoanalyst. The author claims to have new insights, but many old ones appear: reciprocity is the fundamental organizing principle (p. 9), and the Indians have concepts of the universe resting on pre-Hispanic conceptualizations (p. 2).
The original field work was done for a Ph.D. thesis in cultural anthropology. After receiving the degree, the author started training in, and then the practice of psychoanalysis, which added more methodological tools for the book. After twenty years of experience as a psychoanalyst, the author went over her tapes of her early field interviews, carried out in the 1970s, and arrived at new insights that allowed her to see the philosophy of the cargo rituals as expressions of an underlying ideology. The author sees Chignauteco ideology as premised on balance, harmony, reciprocity, and rank. She claims to be able to fathom the unconscious experiences of the Chingnautecos as well as their conscious experiences.
There is a 24-page chapter on the ethnohistory of the region. It is quite sketchy and there are no references to original documents. For example, one wonders how the author knows that the following occurred during the Mexican Revolution: "That hostilities instigated elsewhere would come to affect the life in this community was accepted as the natural order of things by Chignautla's Indians, since imposition from the world beyond Chignautla was already experienced as inevitable." This chapter also contains a description of a barrio organization that is related to patrilineal descent groups. There are less significant barrio cargos as well as larger pueblo cargos.
Individuals serve the saints for their own reasons, which reflect their personality, and not because they desire prestige (p. 58). The cargos are organized by the author into seven groups with different "ritual values," a phrase that the author uses instead of prestige. The Chignautecos seek to sponsor consecutive compatible cargos rather than incompatible ones that would disturb the balance necessary to achieve the sacralizing effects of reciprocity and respect (p. 65). There is a general upward progression through the groups. This progression the author describes as an increase in "ritual value" and steadfastly insists that there is no increase in "prestige" involved.
The author hangs many different bits of information about the village on her tree of religion. Thus there are minor descriptions of agriculture, household economies, trade, kinship, marriage, politics, gender relationships, and compadrazgo included in the book.
The most complete descriptions are those of the ritual events in which mayordomos participate. The mayordomos are the most important cargo holders. Descriptions of the ritual events from the point of view of other cargo holders (fiscales, sacristanes, tenientes, dancers, jubileos, pilatos, alguaciles, and dipudados) are treated only in passing.
Members of wealthy families seek to display their success by requesting certain cargos. Barrios have a partisan interest in requesting cargos, which reflect on their glory. There is an underlying territorial structure to the cargo system with certain barrios having a greater claim to certain cargos. Patrilineal kinship also confers some rights to request cargos.
Changes are were taking place in the town during the ethnographic present, which we can assume was during the primary period of field work in 1970. Young men were requesting specific cargos rather than accepting the ones handed to them by the fiscales who were in charge of organizing the cargo system. There are currently an increasing number Protestants in the community. Mestizos are now requesting traditional Indian mayordomoships. The priest is reacting to the presence of the Protestants. These events which are typical of the changes that are now taking place in Indian communities of the eastern Sierra of Mexico are just mentioned in a few sentences. The heart of this book is the description and analysis of the full-blown cargo system of 1970.
Throughout, the book describes behavior in abstract terms that have weak referents to other literature. The author works hard at developing her own somewhat groundless system of abstract terminology. Since so much abstraction is woven into the ethnographic descriptions, the final chapter of conclusions is a rather tepid reassertion of the ideas previously expressed: the cargo cults bears the mark of sixteenth-century Hispanic folk Catholicism; unconsciously held assumptions follow from venerative acts; Indians and mestizos do not share the same cosmology; reciprocity sacralizes acts; cargos are assigned according to "ritual value"; and younger people are not interested in the old truths. The book ends with some useful appended tables on annual income in 1971-72, land holdings of ritual sponsors in 1971, and ritual expenses.
The blend of the subjective and objective is not as confusing as it might be, for example, in the full-blown French style of ethnography. There is a American Boasian tendency to clearly state what people do and the rules that they have articulated for themselves in doing it. When the author infers meaning from the behavior, she makes it clear that this is an analytical effort, and, in many places the clarifying phrase "I believe that X symbolizes Y" occurs indicating that she is describing her own intellectual imagination and not any objective fact. Thus the subjectivity is not so completely blended with the objectivity that the facts are lost.
The unheralded solid ethnographic facts about what people do and say about what they do is the most valuable part of this book. Unfortunately, the ethnographic facts emerge in a stream of consciousness, rather than in a highly organized fashion. The author seems to think that their value lies not in their objectivity, but in their ability to evoke visions of the workings of the inner mind of the subjects under study. Thus a reader who might want to know how labor is used in the household or the amount of corn produced per hectare, will have to find this briefly sketched out in a chapter entitled "Economic Dimensions of Sacralizing Activities." The descriptions are of a high enough quality that they sometimes contradict the theoretical assertions of the author. This is a mark of good ethnography. For example, the reader can also see that the Chignautla cargo system is a means for legitimizing wealth differences in the community in spite of the author's contention that it is a means of "sacralizing interdependence."
The cargo system of this town is complex and the author is concerned with its social structure. Unfortunately the structural description is not systematic, and, in places it is paradoxical. For example, on page 58 we learn that there is a separation of the Autoridad Eclesiástica from the mayordomos and dancers, but on page 59 we learn that four mayordomos of San Mateo and four mayordomos of the Santísimo Sacramento are members of the Autoridad Eclesiástica. The author makes no effort to clarify these contradictions nor to present the social structure in a concise way that would guide the reader in understanding it. On the contrary, the structure is presented in a haphazard manner that requires the reader to dig through the text in an effort to comprehend it, an effort that is often futile. No doubt the author has a understanding of this structure, but has felt it less important to share it with her readers than to wax eloquently about the deeper meaning of the ritual symbolism that she has teased out of the "unconscious" aspects of the participants "experience," which she feels she can comprehend with her methodology. Abstract reformulations such as mayordomías being "direct venerative statements that serve a propitiatory purpose" (p. 149) take precedence over observations of a reality seen by the author from which these abstractions are made. Thus the reader is given a scant basis from which to agree or disagree with what the author has concluded from her experience of other people's "experience."
One seems to gain little more that confusion from calling "ritual value" what every other investigator has called prestige. This is a semantic trick to back up the author's effort to capture the spirit of sacrifice so well symbolized in Mesoamerican cargo rituals. In fact, there is a clear correlation between the age of the carguero and the ritual value of the office (p. 77). The ritual value of the cargos is also correlated with the authority of the office holder (p. 81). The author admits that cargo service generates respect (respeto), but insists that this is quite different than prestige (p. 82).
In one sense this book endeavors to explain the sense of the sacred felt by cargo holders. The author concludes that successful ritual sponsors avoid vanity, arrogance, deviousness, and greed (p. 56). However, It seems odd that one trained in psychoanalysis would ignore the possible denial of such emotions actually existing at the unconscious level. The author goes so far as to say that the desire for prestige is not a motivating factor in sponsoring cargos. One gets a rather abstract and disembodied image of holy men seeking to transcend their earthly desires, a rather ethereal image that one familiar with the more gutsy aspects of Mesoamerican peasant life might find difficult to accept. The author's refusal to use the concept of prestige to describe a system that is practically identical to other cargo systems that have been described so aptly as redistributive systems for converting wealth into prestige seems to be an act of pure stubbornness without any scholarly or scientific merit.
The informant's statement contradict the author's contention that there is a fundamental difference between the secular and the sacred (pp. 85-86). One more very ethnographic book like this one not paying attention to scientific methodology and glorifying its own philosophical symbolist perspective raises the question of where cultural anthropology is going by creating more knowledge of this sort. Whereas the natural sciences increase the welfare of humans by creating a reliable knowledge base that allows the manipulation of objects, the social sciences increase the welfare of the few by creating knowledge that allows the manipulation of other human beings. The two sorts of knowledge are different. The former, the scientific, must be replicable, empirical, and objective to be useful, but the latter, the social, need only be empirical and communicable to be useful. Nonobjective, intersubjective, ideas of people, their behavior, and their culture are still useful in opening an opportunity for communication and the exploitation of social relationships. Thus the social sciences have an amazing tolerance for subjective analyses of human behavior. What we see in this book is a subjective analysis of the subjective experience of other people. If another such anthropologist went to the same village at the same time, an entirely different analysis would emerge.
So, cultural anthropology is opening up an opportunity for literate people to relate to other people, often with an attitude of superior power. However, a reliable understanding of human nature must draw on more scientific principles. To be useful in theorizing correctly about human nature, ethnography must have greater objectivity. This book does contain within it the empirical tradition set by Frans Boas many years ago. It sets down detailed observations of human behavior and records the ideas of other people in a language and philosophy that is reliable. However there seems to be no consciousness of the value of such work in the book. Thus, it fails to organize the data in meaningful structures. It does not integrate qualitative and quantitative data. It does not bring to bear scientific paradigms and theories on the organization of the data. Even following Murdock's Outline of Cultural Materials would be more enlightening than the form in which the ethnographic data is presented. People who are working with human nature, be they anthropologists, sociologists, biologists, or psychologists, appreciate an organized collection of ethnographic facts. If cultural anthropology is going to be anything more than a training program for the Peace Corps, it should give greater weight and prestige to the organized presentation of facts in an as objective manner as possible and with less weight on philosophical ramblings without coherence or empirical stability (p. 150).
James Dow
Oakland University, Rochester, Michigan
My first introduction to the Nahua world of pre-Conquest Mexico was in the spring of 1980, the first year I returned to school seeking new career paths at the University of Colorado. In a class taught by Davíd Carrasco, we read Miguel León-Portilla's Aztec Thought and Culture (University of Oklahoma Press, 1963). That book opened up a whole new universe created by cosmic deities and populated by creative humans who made cosmic poetry, paintings, and sculpture. As a professional artist, my own imagination was stimulated and my philosophical bones rattled. From then on, I was hooked. And in spite of the bloody aspects of this curious and often gripping culture, I have never forgotten that first encounter. Even though the Aztecs hauled people up temple stairs to rip their hearts out on a disturbingly regular basis, I still cannot help seeing them as intelligent, feeling human beings, as individuals who struggled with life like the rest of us. Such is the legacy of Miguel León-Portilla and a good one it is.
This book emerges from that legacy. In it, León-Portilla lures readers into the personal worlds of apparently real individual members of the elite class, fourteen men and one woman. The book was first published a quarter of century ago as Trece poetas del mundo azteca (UNAM, 1967). This new effort includes two additional poets and rethinks earlier approaches to interpretation. The Nahuatl for all the major poems is again provided. However, this time with the help of Grace Lobanov, León Portilla has produced entirely new English translations of the Nahuatl poetry, recognizing rightly that to simply translate the earlier Spanish versions into English would be, at best, risky. The book's thesis is that actual people existed in the pre-Conquest Nahua world who were recognized as outstanding poets and, moreover, a rich variety of resources allows people today to become acquainted with them and the greatness of their works.
In its English edition, the book is a valuable contribution, making available to a wide audience some of the excellent scholarship that has been hidden within the confines of Mexico. Only recently has more of this scholarship crossed borders, a trend that was excruciatingly slow to take flight. I only hope it not only soars but continues to do so. For without such cross-cultural publishing journeys, all scholarship suffers.
Fifteen Poets will serve as an excellent teaching tool and introduction for beginners and non-specialists. Like my own students now, I too was influenced by popular portrayals of and a macabre fascination with the blood and guts of sacrificial rites. León-Portilla's personal love for the Nahua and his personalized approach to them offers a good antidote for both overly base depictions and some social-scientific works which treat the Aztecs as an impersonal, even sometimes implicitly evil corporate body.
An imaginative and sensitive understanding of philosophical and spiritual issues brings out complex ideas about truth and the human condition. León-Portilla has a talent for disclosing the tentative, impermanent, and even futile life of the Nahua elite. These verses also remind one that poetry's subject matter and role differs world wide. As in some other places like the pre-Islamic world, poetry in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Mexican Highlands sang of not only spiritual topics, but also historical events and political conquest. Moreover, as an activity integral to civic and military duties, it could become a contest and/or musical performance. Speech was a skill fostered and admired because it realized honored traditions and helped shape present situations. These poems do all that. They both picture a host of ancient deities and values and, with consummate metaphoric skill and sometimes bold humor, try to alter present human circumstances. Because of his skill as a translator, León-Portilla describes well many of the wonderful poetic devices employed by his songsters.
The book's very accessible introduction provides not only his own concise and clear summaries of Aztec world views and history, but also a discussion of some interpretational problems in the difficult "after-the fact" reality of Mesoamerican pre-Conquest scholarship. León-Portilla recognizes that to overcome the fragmentation of his resources he must support his claims with multiple attestations drawn from a large variety of verbal and visual texts, something that, for the most part, he accomplishes. Finally, he gives valuable background on his four primary sources: 20 hymns from Tepepulco found in the "First Memorials" of the Codíces matritenses and the appendix of Book II of the Florentine Codex; songs scattered elsewhere throughout Sahaguntine and other sources; the Cantares mexicanos; and the Romances de los señores de nueva españa.
The rest of the book is divided into four parts, each focusing on a particular central Mexican region. A short history of each region is given, followed by the historical place of each poet and an analysis of his/her poetry. Part 1 discusses poets from the Tezcocan area. His fine literary analysis of Nezahualcoyotl's poetry isolates seven truly evocative themes. Part 2 focuses on poets of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. One's curiosity about the role and standards of poetry is piqued when one hears that the Mexica ruler, Axayacatl, used elders as ghost-writers. And questions about the role of women both in war and courtly society arise when one reads the poem by Macuilxochitl. Poets from Puebla-Tlaxcala are featured in Part 3 which includes one of his new additions, Xayacamach of Tizatlan. The fourth Part speaks about the Chalco-Amaquemecan region with Aquiauhtzin of Ayapanco as the second new addition. This last poet gives the reader one of the must fun pieces in the volume, a ribald and humorous poetry-challenge to Axayacatl called "Song of the Chalcan Women," which León-Portilla published earlier in a somewhat different translation in the New Scholar 5(1978):235-62.
While teachers and lay people surely will praise the work, specialists may find the book somewhat less useful. I translated a few of his poetic selections using John Bierhorst's transcriptions in Cantares Mexicanos: Songs of the Aztecs (Stanford University Press, 1985) as a point of reference. Although this is not the same as viewing the originals (which were unavailable to me), Bierhorst's transcriptions received praise from León-Portilla himself (p. 42) and were called "definitive" and found to be without error (p. 120) by James Lockhart ("Care, Ingenuity and Irresponsibility: The Bierhorst Edition of the Cantares Mexicanos," Reviews in Anthropology 16(1991):119-32. I was disappointed to find serious discrepancies between the two copies of the poem, "Song of the Chalcan Women" (León-Portilla, pp. 267-80; cf. Bierhorst, pp. 384-91). León-Portilla's transcription unfortunately seems to be missing passages that are contained in Bierhorst's and includes some differences in spelling as well. Discrepancies also appear due to León-Portilla's regularization of the often very irregular Nahuatl. While this makes reading easier, the practice subtracts and adds letters not in the manuscript, sometimes splits word clusters differently, and often adds punctuation that isn't there. All of these things can, on occasion, alter meaning.
Translating Nahuatl is a most difficult task. Lockhart noted that "every Nahuatl translator of this century and the past one has made deplorable errors" (1991:122). For this reason, readers may wish that glosses had been provided for the difficult passages in which meaning is not instantly clear. Such glossing also lends important illumination to those passages with multiple layers of metaphoric meaning. For example, León-Portilla translates the passage Ma huel manin tlalli (p. 218) to mean "Let the earth forever remain!" However, one can break it down like so:
ma huel manin tlalli
ma wel Ø-MAN(I) in \ALI
opt. successfully, it-spreads, art. earth
fully, well stretches, extends
May well it extends the earth
May the earth extend well.
While "forever remain" might be a possible translation of mani, it seems less obvious than some others, raising questions as to why it was chosen. For this choice gives a temporal sense that appears at odds with many other messages about impermanence in this and other poems. It also misses the visually horizontal sense of mani, a metaphoric image particularly suited to the Nahua cosmos in which earth's surface spread out between the sky and underworld. Because such inevitable difficulties are never pointed out, the book's translations appear to be more accurate than some may credit. Nahuatl is fraught with pitfalls, many of which Lockhart notes in his essay on Bierhorst's volume (1991:123). The best any translator can do is mark the difficulties, support the choices, and hope for the best.
I find his main thesis plausible, although in need of a few more qualifications; for even though aware of the interpretational problems, the author still underplays the effects Spanish contact might have had on these texts. Along with him and Lockhart, I often presume that the historical figures of the Cantares (and other texts) "are mainly imagined to be speaking in their own time, not in the song-present, and that the events referred to are the real original ones" (Lockhart 1991:129). Yet some caution should be taken, for "Nahuatl comes in Spanish wrapping" (Lockhart 1991:124). The original grammars and dictionaries all are in Spanish and often embed their clerical collectors' spiritual assumptions. One must recognize, moreover, that changes due to contact could be considerable. This is not India where the oral Vedic traditions were memorized by Brahmins using mnemonic devices so effective that almost nothing changed in over three millennia. On the contrary, Mesoamerican songsters sometimes were expected to improvise. Furthermore, León Portilla's uncritical reliance on Ixtlilxochitl, a chronicler who can be especially treacherous (Lockhart 1991:121), may undercut the value of his work on the Tezcocan poets. I also found his extended criticisms of Bierhorst's ghost-dance theory, while needed, to be a bit overdone. Although Bierhorst allowed his theory to color his translations and commentaries too brightly, he is not alone in other problems, and he is an excellent scribe. As Lockhart said, we all make mistakes.
In spite of its shortcomings (and what work is without them?), Fifteen Poets is a wonderful addition to English-speaking audiences. That good legacy of León-Portilla's scholarly personalism has profoundly affected many and should affect many more, including both lay people and scholars. He is right in seeing the Nahua as more than bloody terrorists; they were real people with their own individual thoughts on life's challenges. Our challenge is figuring out what those thoughts were and Miguel León-Portilla has always helped us do that.
Kay A. Read
DePaul University, Chicago
Beginning in the 1930s, Mexican pensadores (thinkers) have written a number of well-known works on the problem of Mexican national culture. They attempt to answer questions such as, What kind of a nation is Mexico and what could it become? For example, Samuel Ramos suggested that Mexicans feel a sense of deep-seated inferiority, Guillermo Bonfil Batalla suggested a return to the pre-Hispanic roots of Mexican culture, and Octavio Paz found at the core of national culture an overwhelming sense of isolation he labeled the "labyrinth of solitude." These works suffer from a number of shortcomings, including the problem of how representative they are of the Mexican people. In Exits from the Labyrinth, Lomnitz-Adler proposes to correct these defects by focusing on the spatial distribution of political, economic, and social centers, and by showing how this distribution, in conjunction with the class and caste relations within it, is productive of national cultural features. The book is filled with insights about Mexico and Mexicans, but in the end it fails to deliver what it promises. In attempting to escape from one labyrinth, the author leads the reader into another, this one filled with methodological problems, theoretical dead ends, fuzzy concepts, and opaque writing.
Lomnitz-Adler notes the inability of both anthropology and the pensadores to handle the theoretical and methodological issues involved in studies of national culture. The author hopes to "understand what Mexican ideology represents" (p. 14) by bridging the two traditions to forge a new method to understand national culture. He proposes to define the essence of Mexico by comparing the state of Morelos with the multi state region in the eastern part of the country known as the Huasteca. These two regions differ in how power is distributed both hierarchically and spatially and thus each articulates with the national whole in a distinct manner. These differing modes of articulation produce different regional cultures and it is in the process of regional cultural production that the author hopes to identify the essential Mexico. Following the comparison of Morelos and the Huasteca, Lomnitz-Adler ends the book by turning his attention to two classical themes of the pensador tradition: "the history of legitimacy and charisma in Mexican politics, and the relationship between the national community and racial ideology" (p. 4).
In order to overcome methodological difficulties, the author proposes five new concepts: intimate culture, culture of social relations, localist ideology, coherence, and mestizaje. Intimate culture "represent[s] the real, regionally differentiated manifestations of class culture. Intimate culture is the culture of a class in a specific kind of regional setting" (p. 28). This seems to refer to cultural traditions of neighborhoods, work sites, and people's homes. Culture of social relations is composed of the "forms of interaction between intimate cultures" (p. 29). An example of this concept might be interaction between peasant intimate culture and middle-class intimate culture, or between Indian and mestizo intimate cultures. Localist ideology serves to ease tensions produced when the culture of social relations is dominated by class relations. Thus, appeals to Zapata as an example of localist ideology in Morelos serves to justify the regional hegemonic order, and at the same time, Zapata's martyrdom serves as a critique of that order because it shows that no honest politician can survive in Mexico. Coherence "refers to the degree to which cultural institutions -- and beliefs produced in the context of these institutions -- are mutually referential and mutually compatible" (p. 38). Finally, mestizaje is the process by which intimate cultures of dominated groups lose their coherence and at the same time are denied access to the power elite or status as a new independent coherent culture.
Starting with Chapter 3, Lomnitz-Adler analyses Morelos according to the five concepts outlined above. The analysis is complex and often hard to follow but he seems to be saying that the character of the regional culture of Morelos reflects the absence of a locally based elite. Members of the hegemonic elites of Morelos live in nearby Mexico City. To make matters worse, political officeholders are appointed by the national PRI party and have no local connections. Lomnitz-Adler outlines the types of communities found throughout Morelos but he focuses much of his analysis on Cuernavaca, the largest city in the state and a "central place" in the regional cultural organization. In the absence of a local hegemonic class, the city has developed a culture the author labels "Cuernavaca baroque" (p. 84). He defines this situation as "the existence of a rich and private group culture which is not backed as a coherent system by the local hegemony, but which is not substituted by a hegemonic coherent culture" (p. 88).
The author goes on to analyze rural cultures in the state and suggests how they interact among themselves and with Cuernavaca. He finds that "Intimate cultures in Morelos revolve around three coherent poles: a pole of peasant coherence, a pole of petit-bourgeois coherence, and a pole of proletarian coherence" (p. 149). These are scattered in different communities but come into contact in larger towns and most intensively in Cuernavaca. In the absence of a local hegemonic class, interchanges among these intimate cultures produce a characteristic culture of social relations that defines the region. The characteristic culture of Morelos is its identity as the model state for the rest of Mexico. It is here where Zapatismo is centered and where large-scale land reform was first carried out following the Revolution. Morelos is associated with lowland hacienda culture, Indian culture, and peasant culture. Yet, in the absence of a local hegemony, Lomnitz-Adler calls Morelos regional culture "disarticulated" (p. 62). Political rhetoric and regional identity focus on Indians and peasants even though they are proportionately a less important segment of the population with each passing year. The region has become part of the myth of nationhood created by elites in Mexico City to serve as an example of the essence of Mexican national culture.
The Huasteca presents a very different picture. The region has been marginalized from the national project and its history and culture are seen to differ from Mexico as a whole. Thus the region is defined in Mexican ideology as a frontier, a remote and lawless place that "has not yet been immortalized in textbook or mural" (p. 51). But the region is believed to have its hidden sources of wealth. Central Mexicans are convinced that Indian peoples of the Huasteca can predict weather or cure diseases that modern medicine cannot. The Huasteca is widely believed to be the location of hidden treasure or untold mineral wealth (it does in fact contain major oil resources). The region is a kind of untapped periphery that remains unexplored and unexploited. Yet paradoxically this reserve of physical and cultural wealth "is seen as quintessentially Mexican because it represents the great, dormant, untapped Mexico" (p. 51). The Huasteca serves national elites as a metaphor of untamed possibilities, both the strength and the potential of an unrealized Mexico. I should add here, that Lomnitz-Adler writes only about the portion of the Huasteca that lies in the state of San Luis Potosi and leaves open the question of whether or not his characterizations apply to vast majority of the region that lies outside of this state's borders.
According to the author, the very different role played in the national ideology by the Huasteca Potosina as opposed to Morelos can be traced to distinctive spatial organization of the region and the distinctive set of class relations within it. The Huasteca Potosina has no central city like Cuernavaca, only Ciudad Valles, a smaller, less important urban center. In place of the range of communities found in Morelos, this region has only important and unimportant villages (p. 164). A critical feature of Huastecan social organization is that it possesses a local hegemonic class in the form of rancheros. These are owners of landed estates ranging from twenty or thirty hectares up to two- or three-thousand hectares. The ranchos are usually commercial cattle-raising operations and owners live either on the property itself or in nearby towns and oversee operations through daily visits. Rancheros are a remarkably cohesive group and "The ranchero class has effectively articulated the Huasteca as an economic, political, and cultural region" (p. 166).
Beneath the rancheros but affiliated with the same class are the mestizo cowboys who owe loyalty to their employers. Further down in the social hierarchy are mestizo peones who also work on the ranches, and finally the population of Indians who outnumber mestizos in the region. Thus, the Huasteca is organized into three intimate cultures: ranchero and cowboy, mestizo peón, and Indian. With local industrialization and shifts in the national economy, this neat system is currently coming unraveled. But it continues to determine cultural production in the region. This culture includes high values placed in knowledge of cattle, plants, and animals of the region, individualism, a kind of rough-and-ready rural common sense, and a direct, unadorned manner of speaking.
The introductory chapters of the book and the actual analysis of Morelos and the Huasteca Potosina are written in a dense style that makes it very difficult for readers to follow the main argument. This work is an updated version of the author's Stanford University dissertation, and frankly, much of the text reads like a dissertation. Lomnitz-Adler himself admits (p. 107) that this type of analysis is "arid." In my view, the writing style seriously diminishes what value and insight are contained in the text. One gets the feeling that the author is on to something and that he has valuable insights, but just what these are remains obscure. For example, subheadings in a book are generally meant to aid the reader by clarifying organization and by indicating what is to come. What are we to make of a subheading that reads "Residual, Dominant, and Emergent Forms of Production and Epistemological Spaces of Cultural Synthesis" (p. 222)? The words are suggestive but sentence after sentence of such dense verbiage eventually boggles the mind.
In addition, I found the author's over-use of terms such as "dialectic" and "space" to obfuscate rather than clarify his insights. Almost everything he discusses is related dialectically to something else as if the assertion explains something. It would have been helpful to the reader if he had discussed specifically what he means by a dialectical relationship and then demonstrated how use of this concept improves over the far clearer and more measurable formulations such as positive and negative feedback systems. I strongly suspect that dialectic is one of those ill-defined, catch-all words scholars employ to mask weaknesses in conceptual or analytical frameworks. His over-use of the currently fashionable word "space" also serves to confuse rather than clarify. He writes of the national space, regional space, economic space, political space, institutional space, and spaces where culture is synthesized. The term is clearly used to relieve the author of the need to specify how and where culture is actually produced.
Despite these criticisms, Lomnitz-Adler makes a contribution to our understanding of Mexican national culture. Morelos and the Huasteca are two distinct regions and he provides insights into the bases of these differences. But the book really comes alive when he discusses actual case studies to illustrate his major points. He interviews intellectuals and politicians in Cuernavaca and the Huasteca and shows how they respond to the differing spatial and class relations in their respective regions. Particularly interesting and enlightening are his discussions of Zapatismo in Morelos and the Huastecan cacique, Gonzalo N. Santos. I also found his analysis of the origins of liberalism in nineteenth-century Mexico and its implication for subsequent political and social developments to be excellent. The last section of the book, which seems strangely unrelated to the first part, contains informative and insightful discussions of the history and modern forms of racial ideology in Mexico, and comparisons of the caudillo and cacique roles.
But even as he recounts interesting discussions with people from each region, I am disturbed by a fundamental weakness in Lomnitz-Adler's approach. He rejects the use of traditional community studies in the analysis of national culture even though these have been the hallmark of anthropological research in Mexico. In their place he follows other scholars in advocating a regional focus (pp. 255-57). However, a regional analysis produces the arid discussion we witness in the first part of his book, far removed from real lives of real people. Thus, he robs the anthropological approach of one of its strongest contributions to social science. This may also explain why the author overlooks many works produced by anthropologists on the Huasteca. But what I find most disturbing is that Lomnitz-Adler forsakes his scientific responsibility to give the reader a representative sample of the (real?) people in the region. He interviews one politician, one mestizo healer, one Huastec Indian. He takes their words as illustrative of broader truths he is attempting to establish without investigating if these words are widely shared or whether they have consequences in the world of action. In short, he weds his regional analysis, which has a validity problem, with superficial field research, which has a reliability problem. The result is a work that, while filled with insight and promise, leaves the reader unsure how to value the contribution it makes.
Despite these shortcomings, the book contains many insights that reward the reader, particularly those with an interest in Morelos, the Huasteca, and the efforts on the parts of anthropologists and pensadores to define a national culture for Mexico. Lomnitz-Adler takes on an enormous task in this book but I worry when we stray too far from the empirical research that has established the worth of anthropology among the social sciences. While I do not believe that the author has solved the problem of how we are to study national culture, he has certainly clarified many of the issues involved and his efforts serve to define a potentially fruitful area for future anthropological work. He may not have led us out of the labyrinth but he has certainly managed to get us moving in the direction of the exit.
Alan R. Sandstrom
Indiana-University Purdue University, Fort Wayne, Indiana
Reconstructing the past -- creating a plausible, coherent, and (presumably) accurate model of life in ancient societies -- is a major goal of paleoethnography, and we spend our lives as archaeologists and ethnohistorians contributing to this model and critiquing its progress as it evolves. We witness the changing dimensions and shape of a semi engineered mythical world we label "the Aztec." In any academic decade, the world will reflect to some degree its intellectual context. Scholars can look back on the Aztecs as studied in the 1960s and 1970s, and find a sturdy eco-world model with clean systemic lines, combining solid baseline data on populations and settlements with the new review of old documents of many kinds. Of the many valuable studies published in this fertile period, among the most outstanding in reach and grasp was Charles Gibson's Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, published in 1964. The book laid out the socioeconomic, political, and ideological relations of native Americans and their immigrant overlords in the contact and Colonial periods. Gibson's world of the Aztecs pulsed with everyday detail -- lawsuits and congregaciones, export lists and tax rolls -- all woven into a lively and exhaustively documented reconstruction.
Since the 1960s, scholars have uncovered and analyzed important features of the Aztec world, changing the basic model to reflect an improved understanding of economic and social relations, political power struggles, and the complexities of the belief system. Gruzinski's The Conquest of Mexico, originally published as La colonisation de l'imaginaire in 1988 and now translated into English, is an excellent analysis of Aztec belief systems highlighted against the European ideological and intellectual tradition with which they were compelled to join. Gruzinski's approach combines a substantial weight of accumulated evidence with a balance of sources and their interpretation, all made highly accessible by the author's readable style and willingness to engage in speculation about meanings. This book is a rare specimen: the reliable source combined with fascinating discourse.
Gruzinski's book inquires into the realm of ideology at several levels: it is a richly documented reconstruction of the shifting relations of native Mexicans and new migrants, and it is an absorbing epistemological treatise, challenging us to question the nature of reality and the real, and whether such matters can ever be adequately resolved. For example, one of Gruzinski's major themes is the effect of the introduction of writing on native culture -- a "revolution in modes of expression," "restructuring and altering the Indian view of things," thus changing "the indigenous memory" and transforming its Index. Such "modifications in the Indian relationship to time and space" suggest "to what extent could the Indian peoples' perception of the real and the imaginary have changed" (p. 2). These are far-reaching concerns, yet Gruzinski's study is firmly anchored in empirical reality. He discusses the changes wrought by the "substitution of alphabetic for pictographic representation" (p. 52). The words themselves, in songs and prayers and annals, could be saved, and represented an important sector of the intellect.
The intellect, however, encompasses beliefs, knowledge, and feelings which are inexpressible through the abstract icons of Latin script. The native paintings revealed "relations of form and color and spatial effects, offering modes of reading and multiple approaches... an intuitively and immediately perceptible specificity." When the form of representational expression changed -- from paintings plus memorized recitation to writing -- there was a loss of information-carrying potential. And this erosion of the cultural fabric "extended beyond the realm of intellectual or aesthetic categories to become a question of the implicit basis for any representation of reality" (p. 53). What elements from the old, richly expressed story do you select to translate it into its new encoding?
If the new code is much simpler (and more efficient, in terms of simply preserving the narrative), then the loss of accompanying information will cause ramifications throughout the culture. Here, says Gruzinski, "we are touching on the deepest and least explored sediments of a culture, those which, never explicit and never questioned, make up the singularity of a cultural configuration." Giving up painting books was more than a repudiation of the pre-Columbian "way of grasping reality," but also a distancing from painting's ritual uses, and even from the ideological trappings of native paper itself, its use to hold the drops of blood and rubber that spoke silently and fervently to the spirits of the ancient world.
And what of the words spoken aloud, the verbal monuments to a culture whose highest leaders were called speakers? Gruzinski discusses the Colonial-period expressions of the valued skills of oratory and rhetorical composition, noting how these talents were redirected and nurtured as part of the Christian conversion process. He also considers what was lost: an entire performance context, the formalized roles, and the pageantry of the spatial presentation that had worked together to form a ritualized event, heavy with meaning and completely, vitally alive.
Yet the Nahua tradition of producing skilled orators did not cease with the conquest. Gruzinski details this and other areas in which the Aztecs mastered and excelled at European-style variants of their own cultural strengths. Nor does he underestimate the role of the terrible 16th century demographic collapse in transforming the culture. Rather, his emphasis, and the perspective he encourages the reader to take, is one of sensitivity to the range of adjustments necessary to syncretism. Think not so much of Spanish Inquisitorial manifestoes (while respecting their considerable power) but perceive, instead, the myriad ways in which the nuanced complex of beliefs began to disintegrate, some parts of the belief system fading or collapsing from "disqualification, decontextualization... withdrawal of connotations from the field, or distancing" (p. 69).
The power of Gruzinski's book to inform while provoking thought is exemplified in the conclusion of the first chapter, "Painting and Writing." He briefly speculates on the lessons of the Mexican experience, how it "illustrates the course of a culture which suddenly shifts from the image to writing, the reverse of what we can observe around us today." (p. 69). In these few words he casts the situation under study, so alien and distant in time, into terms applicable to our modern information revolution, the new age wherein learning to read is a secondary experience to tracking visual imagery. The reader has just been immersed in a consideration of the Aztec experience, and now begins to think along these lines to interpret modern life, seeing how costumes and postures so rich with meaning and belief in one generation pass into obsolescence in the next. No doubt many of us have mixed feelings about the information revolution we are witnessing, viewing with dismay the shift in the popular culture away from reading as a most fundamental daily activity for any literate person, to reading as perceived by many young people as difficult and certainly a less desirable means of acquiring information than video images.
Considering the reflective aspects of reading, of the exercise of concentration and imagination, one feels that something very worthwhile has been lost from the common consciousness. Thus, by means of logical reasoning, the reader of The Conquest of Mexico has been brought to a position of empathy with the Aztecs, who were caught in their own information revolution. And the reader must further conclude that when the experience of reading a book engages the mind on so many worthwhile levels at once, reading this book is, indeed, a valuable experience.
Susan Toby Evans
Pennsylvania State University
The illustrations that appear in this issue were taken from Montezuma: ou l'apogée et la chute de l'empire aztèque by Michel Graulich. Paris: Fayard, 1994. ISBN 2-213-59303-5.
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Department of Anthropology
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
Bill Mills
RR 5, Box 370
Nashville, IN 47408
Lisa Mitten
Anthropology Bibliographer
207 Hillman Library
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Luz María Mohar Betancurt
CIESAS
Hidalgo y Matamoros, Tlalpan
México, D.F. 14000 MEXICO
John Monaghan
Dept. of Anthropology
Vanderbilt University
Nashville, TN 37235
Janet Montoya
2736 Lighthouse Drive
Nassau Bay, TX 77058
Eileen M. (de la Torre) Mulhare
R.D. 2, Box 38
Hamilton, NY 13346
Nancy Mullenax
Department of Anthropology
Tulane University
New Orleans, LA 70118
Barbara Mundy
Dept. of the History of Art
P.O. Box 2009, Yale Station
New Haven, CT 06520
Patrick Murphy
I.T.E.S.M.
Campus Querétaro
Querétaro 76000 MEXICO
Timothy D. Murphy
Department of Anthropology
Northern Kentucky University
Highland Heights, KY 41076
Federico Nagel B.
Talara 66
Col. Tepeyac-Insurgentes
México, D.F. 07020 MEXICO
Nahuatl Program, Depto. de Español
Esc. Nac. de Estudios Profesionales-Acatlan
San Juan Totoltepec s/n
Naucalpan, México MEXICO
Federico Navarrete
Taller de Traducción
Inst. de Invest. Historicas
Ciudad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
Pablo Rogelio Navarrete G.
Jaltipan #11
Colonia Zenon Delgado
México, D.F. 01220 MEXICO
Hjordis Neilson
Department of Anthropology
SUNY-Albany
Albany, NY 12222
Henry B. Nicholson
Department of Anthropology
UCLA
Los Angeles, CA 90024
Xavier Noguez
A.P. No. 48-D
Toluca, México 50080 MEXICO
Mary Christopher Nunley
Department of Anthropology
Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI 53201
Hugo G. Nutini
Department of Anthropology
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Kazuyasu Ochiai
Honmoku 1-184-2
Nakaku, Yokohama 231 JAPAN
Jerome A. Offner
16222 Capri Drive
Houston, TX 77040
Leslie Offutt
Department of History
Vassar College
Poughkeepsie, NY 12601
Scott O'Mack
1306 E. 50th Street
Chicago, IL 60615
Ismael Ortiz Barba
Centro Municipal de la
Cultura en Zopopan
Vicentente Guerrero 111
Zapopan, Jalisco MEXICO
Bernard Ortiz de Montellano
45 Oakdale
Pleasant Ridge, MI 48069
Ruth Paradise
Dept. de Invest. Educativas
Avanzados del IPN
A.P. 19-197
México, D.F. 03900 MEXICO
Bertha Ibarra Parle
North Harris College
2700 W.W. Thorne Drive
Houston, TX 77073
Jeffrey Parsons
Museum of Anthropology
University Museums Bldg.
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI 48109
Francisco Aurelio Patoni Severiano
Calle Brave s/n
San Andrés Hueyapan
Puebla 73920 MEXICO
Jeanette Peterson
P.O. Box 983
Rancho Santa Fe, CA 92067
Michael Pisani
Asst. Dean for Academic Affairs
Colorado N.W. Comm. College
50 Spruce Drive
Craig, CO 81625
Stafford Poole
641 West Adams Blvd.
Los Angeles, CA 90007
Hanns J. Prem
Seminar fur Volkerkunde
University of Bonn
D-5300 Bonn 1 GERMANY
Mary H. Preuss
Latin Amer. Indian Lit.
Dept. of Foreign Languages
Geneva College
Beaver Falls, PA 15010
Princeton Univ. Library
Serials Division
Princeton, NJ 08544
Paul Jean Provost
Department of Anthropology
Indiana-Purdue University
2101 Coliseum Blvd. East
Fort Wayne, IN 46805
Paul Proulx
Heatherton Post Office
Antigonish Co., N.S.
BOH IRO CANADA
Enrique Pupo-Walker
Ctr. for Lat. Amer. Studies
Box 1806, Station B
Vanderbilt University
Nashville, TN 37235
Angie Quinn
347 W. Suttonfield
Ft. Wayne, IN 46807
Eloise Quiñones-Keber
600 West 115th, #42
New York, NY 10025
Dominique Raby
4229 rue Drolet
Montréal, Québec H2W 2L7 CANADA
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San Vicente Mártir 136, 5a
46007 Valencia SPAIN
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Stanford University Library
FLAC/Green Library
Stanford, CA 94305
Kay Read
239 S. Monroe
Hinsdale, IL 60521
Luis Reyes García
A.P. 53
Sta. Ana Chiautempan
Tlaxcala, MEXICO
Don Rice
Latin American Studies
University of Chicago
1126 East 59th Street
Chicago, IL 60637
Berthold Riese
Sem. für Völkerkunde der Univeristat
Römerstrasse 164 W-5300
Bonn 1 GERMANY
Timo Riiho
Dept. of Romance Languages
University of Helsinki
Helsinki 10 FINLAND
Ian G. Robertson
Department of Anthropology
Arizona State University
Tempe, AZ 85287
Asela Rodriguez de Laguna
State Univ. of N.J.-Rutgers
175 University Avenue
Newark, NJ 07102
Maria Rodriguez-Shadow
Dir. de Etnología y Antropología
Ex-Convento del Carmen
Av. Revolución, San Angel
México, D.F. 01000 MEXICO
José Luis de Rojas
c/ Laguna 17
28607 El Alamo, Madrid SPAIN
Jose Ruben Romero Galvan
Taller de Traducción
Inst. de Invest. Historicas
Ciudad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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Lat. Amer. & Caribbean Studies
Tamiami Trail
Florida International Univ.
Miami, FL 33199
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5532 Blackstone Avenue
Chicago, IL 60637
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Towson State University
Baltimore, MD 21204
Francoise Rousseau
Bibliothécaire à la Sorbonne
5 Rue Campagne Première
75014 Paris FRANCE
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Wilmersdorfer Str. 45
W-1000 Berlin 12 GERMANY
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College Library Circulation
UCLA
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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45l8 N. Larkin Street
Milwaukee, WI 53211
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Dept. of Agronomy
1126 Agronomy Hall
Iowa State University
Ames, IA 50011
Carlos Sandoval Linares
Coordinator de Tlahcuilo
Instituto Cultural Cabanas
Guadalajara, Jalisco MEXICO
Alan R. Sandstrom
Dept. of Anthropology
Indiana-Purdue University
2101 Coliseum Blvd. East
Fort Wayne, IN 46805
Recent publications: "The Wave: Fieldwork and Friendship in Northern Veracruz, Mexico" In Bridges to Humanity, Bruce T. Grindal and Frank A. Salamone, eds. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, Inc. (in press). "The Use and Misuse of Anthropological Methods in Library and Information Science Research" (with Pamela Effrein Sandstrom). Library Quarterly 65(2): (in press). "Prehistory and 'Paradise Lost': A Response from Empirical Anthropology." In Exploring the Story of Freedom: An Introduction to Philosophical Interpretation, Clark Butler, ed. Boston: Jones and Bartlett Co. (in press). "Paper" (with Pamela Effrein Sandstrom). In The Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central America: An Encyclopedia, Susan Toby Evans and David L. Webster, eds. New York: Garland Publishing (in press). "Nahuas of the Huasteca." In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, prepared under auspices of the Human Relations Area Files, Yale University. James Dow and Robert V. Kemper, vol. eds, David Levinson, editor-in-chief. Boston, Mass.: G.K. Hall-Macmillan Co. (in press). "Ethnic Identity and the Persistence of Traditional Religion in a Contemporary Nahua Village." Journal of Latin American Lore 18(1): (in press).
Hedda Scherres
Mendelssohnstr. 12
2000 Hamburg 50 GERMANY
School of American Research
Attn: Jane Gillentine, Librarian
Box 2188
Santa Fe, NM 87504
Susan Schroeder
Department of History
Loyola University Chicago
820 N. Michigan Ave.
Chicago, IL 60611
Recent publications: Indian Women of Early Mexico: Identity, Ethnicity, and Gender Differentiation Susan Schroeder, Stephanie Wood, and Robert Haskett, eds. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press) (in press). "Sociedad y política indígena en Chalco según Chimalpahin." In Entre lagos y volcanes: Chalco Amecamcea: pasado y presente. Alejandro Tortolero, ed., 2 vols. Toluca: El Colegio Mexiquense, 1993. "Father José María Luis Mora, Liberalism, and the British and Foreign Bible Society in Nineteenth-Century Mexico." The Americas 50(3):377 97, 1994. This second article is about Father Mora's years of labor to translate Protestant Bibles into Nahuatl and other languages.
Frans Josef Schryer
Department of Anthropology
University of Guelph
Guelph, Ontario NIG 2W1
CANADA
John Frederick Schwaller
Academy of American Franciscan History
1712 Euclid Ave.
Berkeley, CA 94709
Amos Segala
Directeur de Recherche CNRS
Université de Paris X
Avenue de la République
92001 Nanterre FRANCE
Durdica Segota
Taller de Traducción
Inst. de Invest. Historicas
Ciudad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
Barry Sell
139 N. Jackson St.
Glendale, CA 91206
Sem. de Lenguas Indígenas
Instituto de Invest. Filológicas
UNAM
Circuito Mario de la Cueva
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
Kathryn Semolic
3105 S. First St., #202
Austin, TX 78704
Carlos Serrano Sanchez
Inst. de Invest. Antropológica
Circuito Exterior
Delegación Coyoacan
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
Robert D. Shadow
Depto. de Antropología
Univ. de las Américas
A.P. 100, Sta. Catarina Mártir
Cholula, Puebla 72820 MEXICO
David Shaul
2901 East Lee
Tucson, AZ 85716
Donald Shea
Latin American Studies
Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
P.O. Box 413
Milwaukee, WI 53201
John Shea
A.P. 470
Ciudad Satelite
México, D.F. 53102 MEXICO
Edward B. Sisson
Dept. Soc./Anthro.
University of Mississippi
University, MS 38677
Thomas Skidmore
Ibero-American Studies Program
1470 Van Hise Hall
Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, WI 53706
Doren Slade
2l5 W. 90th Street
New York, NY 10024
Douglas Smith
5237 E. Windsor
Phoenix, AZ 85008
I am a master's student at Arizona State University studying the ethnohistory of Central Mexico and the Mixtec region.
Michael E. Smith
Dept. of Anthropology
SUNY-Albany
Albany, NY 12222
Smith College
Hillyer Art Library
Northampton, MA 01063
Felipe Solis
Museo Nacional de Antropología, INAH
Reforma y Gandhi
México, D.F. 11560 MEXICO
Charles Stansifer
Latin American Studies
107 Lippicott Hall
University of Kansas
Lawrence, KS 66045
Neville Stiles
Director, Universitario Mariano
Galvex de Guatemala
A.P. 1811 Guatemala GUATEMALA
Terry Stocker
Bishop Museum
1525 Bernice Street
P.O. Box 19000A
Honolulu, HI 96817
Andrea Stone
Department of Art History
Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
P.O. Box 413
Milwaukee, WI 53201
Guy y Claude Stresser-Péan
Sierra Paracaima 1185
México 10, D.F. 11010 MEXICO
Brian Stross
Department of Anthropology
University of Texas-Austin
Austin, TX 78712
Lawrence E. Sullivan
Center for the Study of World Religions
Harvard University
42 Francis Ave.
Cambridge, MA 02138
Cheryl Sutherland
Department of Anthropology
University of Chicago
Chicago, IL 60637
David M. Szewczyk
PRB7M
P.O. Box 9536
Philadelphia, PA 19124
James M. Taggart
Department of Anthropology
Franklin & Marshall College
Lancaster, PA 17604
David Tancredi
920 Winsray Court
Cincinnati, OH 45224
Marc Thouvenot
La Jasse d'Eyrolles
Russan
30190 St. Chaptes FRANCE
Nancy Troike
5800 Lookout Mountain
Austin, TX 78731
Gregory F. Truex
Dept. of Anthropology
California State University
Northridge, CA 91330
Peter Tschohl
Solothurner Weg 20
5000 Koln 80 GERMANY
David Tuggy
Summer Institute of Linguistics
Box 8987 CRB
Tucson, AZ 85738
Tulane University Library
Attn: D. Rhodes
Serials Department
New Orleans, LA 70118
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School of Art
Arizona State University
Tempe, AZ 85287
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Domein de Lint 11
2360 Oud-Turnhout BELGIUM
R. A. M. van Zantwijk
Roeekamperweg 5
3886 Garderen NETHERLANDS
German Vázquez
Av. Donostiarra, 24
28027 Madrid SPAIN
Prof. Juan Adolfo Vázques
Hispanic Lang. and Lit.
University of Pittsburgh
1309 Cathedral of Learning
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Annette Veerman-Leichsenring
University of Leiden
Dept. of Comparative Linguistics (VTW)
P.O. Box 9515
2300 RA Leiden NETHERLANDS
Ana María Velasco
DEAS-INAH
Ex-Convento del Carmen
Av. Revolución, San Angel
México, D.F. 01000 MEXICO
Angelina F. Veyna
601 South Olive Street
Anaheim, CA 92805
Dave Warren
714 Gonzales
Santa Fe, NM 87510
John M. Weeks
Wilson Library
University of Minnesota
Minneapolis, MN 55455
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University of Oklahoma
455 W. Lindsey, Rm. 521
Norman, OK 73019
Gordon Whittaker
Seminar Fur Volkerkunde
Studt Str. 32
4400 Munster GERMANY
Andrew Wiget
Department of English
New Mexico State University
Las Cruces, NM 88003
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Latin American Center
UCLA
405 Hilgard Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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Dept. of Comparative
American Cultures
Washington State University
Pullman, WA 99164
Barbara J. Williams
Univ. of Wisconsin-Center Rock
2909 Kellogg Avenue
Janesville, WI 53546
Anne Marie Wohrer
13 Place du Pantheon
75005 Paris FRANCE
Stephanie Wood
3322 Videra Drive
Eugene, OR 97405
Neil Worth
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San Francisco, CA 94122
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Via Roma, n. 94
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Last updated: 11/29/07