The Nahua Newsletter A Publication of the Indiana University Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies
Alan R. Sandstrom, Editor
With support from the Department of Anthropology
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
February 1999, Number 27
The Nahua Newsletter
A Publication of the Indiana
University
Center for Latin American
and Caribbean Studies
Alan R.
Sandstrom, Editor
With support from the Department
of Anthropology
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
Welcome to the Nahua Newsletter, the biannual publication that provides friendly access to the world of scholars and students who are interested in the culture, language, and history of Nahuatl-speaking and related peoples. The NN continues to attract new readers with each issue - an Index of the growing importance of Nahua studies in a number of disciplines. We have nearly 400 subscribers now residing in 15 different countries. The NN is a grass-roots publication that continues to be sent free of charge to interested parties. We count among our readers the preeminent names in Nahua and Mesoamerican scholarship and we have been publishing for nearly fourteen years.
Loyal readers responded magnificently to the crisis in funding reported in the last issue. Long-term subscribers know that we survive on donations and have no institutional support to underwrite our printing and mailing costs. The call for donations last November has filled our coffers as never before. NN readers could not have been more generous. We now have enough funds to publish this and the next issue with some left over. We are doing everything that we can to reduce costs of the NN without reducing quality. There are no administrative or overhead costs whatsoever, which means that all money goes to underwrite printing and mailing.
In this issue, you will find news items, book reviews, and an updated directory of readers. The directory should serve as a convenient means of locating the current addresses of others with similar expertise and interests. Please use the list to contact colleagues and share your insights or seek cooperation. The more we stay in touch with each other the greater the likelihood that there will be progress in our efforts to increase understanding of Nahua culture and history. Keeping in touch avoids duplication of effort and taps the knowledge and experience of others. Also, please send information for the News Items section of the NN so that others may share in your victories and cooperate in your research efforts. We are particularly interested in having scholars from countries outside of the U.S. communicate about their current research projects so that we can make our efforts truly international.
Please send information about your research, calls for cooperation, questions, or donations to the NN to the following address:
Alan R. Sandstrom
Editor, Nahua Newsletter
Department of Anthropology
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
2101 Coliseum Blvd. East
Fort Wayne, Indiana 46805
U.S.A.
1. Jesús Ruvalcaba Mercado of the Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social (CIESAS) and his colleagues in Mexico have been very busy over the past several years conducting research and publishing the results on one of the frontiers of Mesoamerican anthropology, the Huasteca and surrounding regions. The latest edited volume to be published is Nuevos aportes al conocimiento de la Huasteca, CIESAS, Ediciones de la Casa Chata, 1998; ISBN 968-496-339-4). The volume contains articles by investigators covering ethnohistory, ethnography, gender relations, medical anthropology, ethnobotany, linguistics, and many other topics. Most chapters are about either Nahuas or Huastecs, and there is an excellent bibliography. Following is the statement from the back cover of the book:
"Nuevos aportes al conocimiento de la Huasteca está constituido por los ensayos de casi una veintena de especialistas en diversos campos de las ciencias sociales y naturales, que contribuyen a un mejor entendimiento de la región conocida como la Huasteca y sus pueblos indios. Los neuvos datos sobre historia, antropología, lingüística, biología, ingeniería, religión, ganadería, etc., de esta porción de nuestro país, ayudarán, sin duda, a comprender mejor o a reinterpretar las perspectivas que existen sobre ella. "Esta selección de los materiales del VII Encuentro de Investigadores de la Huasteca, se suma al esfuerzo que han hecho diversas instituciones y personas a lo largo de varios años, para poner al alcance del público información sobre la Huasteca. "Dada la situación por la que atraviesan los pueblos indios de México, esperamos que estas investigaciones ayuden a mejorar la relación entre éstos y la sociedad nacional; es lo que require el país en su conjunto."
2. Another volume compiled by Jesús Ruvalcaba Mercado and Juan Manuel Pérez Zevallos entitled La Huasteca en los albores del tercer milenio: Textos, temas y problemas, was published in 1997 by CIESAS (ISBN 968-496-327-0). The work is a 250-page bibliography of publications on or about the Huasteca and it is an invaluable resource for all Mesoamericanists. Of particular note is an extensive essay on the Huasteca in which much of what is known about the region is summarized. The following is from the back cover of the book:
"La Huasteca es una región de gran belleza y abundantes recursos naturales, cuyos límites tradicionales se han trazado entre el río Cazones y la desembocadura del Pánuco, desde la línea costera hasta las estribaciones de la Sierra Madre Oriental. Su diversidad ambiental, producto de las variaciones de altitud, alberga a una sociedad multicultural, en donde no es inusual hablar dos o tres lenguas diferentes. Nauas, teenek, hñähñu, pames, tepehuas y totonacos están sometidos al control económico y político de los mestizos, que los consideran su fuente de riquezas: desde Cortés y Nuño de Guzmán, que los vendieron a las Antillas como esclavos, hasta las familias de caciques actuales, quienes los contratan a cambio de salarios miserables para realizar las tareas más pesadas del sector agropecuario o los mantienen como semisiervos domésticos. "Las comunidades indígenas no han permanecido cruzadas de brazos ni se han cobijado en la resistencia pasiva: su trayectoria de lucha, la fortaleza de su organización comunitaria y su enorme acervo cultural les han permitido sobrevivir y hacer aportaciones significativas a la formación de la cultura mesoamericana y a la fortaleza de México como nación. Esta obra resalta la participación huasteca, histórica y contemporánea, dentro de la sociedad mayor; proporciona al lector una guía sobre los problemas y la bibliografía en relación con la Huasteca que será de gran utilidad no sólo a los interesados en ella sino como modelo de orientación regional."
3. Guy Stresser-Péan has published another masterwork of Mesoamerican anthropology entitled Los Lienzos de Acaxochitlán (Hidalgo) y su importancia en la historia del poblamiento de la Sierra Norte de Puebla y zonas vecinas, (Gobierno del Estado de Hidalgo and Centre Francais d'Etude Mexicaines et Centroaméricaines, 1998; ISBN 968-6029-63-X). The work is published in Spanish and French, has a complete bibliography, and is filled with informative maps and drawings, including three separate fold-out maps. The book is a compendium of decades of ethnohistorical and ethnographic work on the Sierra Norte de Puebla and surrounding areas that will stand as the major source on the region for many years to come. This work is well worth the time to examine and read even if the Sierra Norte de Puebla is not your area of interest. The book serves as a model for this type of research and its excellence is clearly based on the lifetime of effort that went into its creation. Los Lienzos de Acaxochitlán stands as a monument to how far we have come in our understanding of the historical and cultural landscape of Mesoamerica.
4. Félix Báez-Jorge has recently published a book that will be of great interest to Mesoamericanists, and particularly those fascinated by the devastating encounter between European and New World religious systems. The work is entitled Entre los naguales y los santos: Religión popular y ejercicio clerical en el México indígena (Universidad Veracruzana, 1998; ISBN 968-834-438-9). From the back cover:
"Este libro continúa la reflexión y la dirección analítica que el autor desarrollara en dos obras anteriores: Los oficios de las diosas... (1988) y La parentela de María (1994), en relación con el estudio sobre la religión popular--dentro el ámbito del catolicismo- practicada por los indios de México. "El presente estudio se centra en la función que cumplen los santos como intermediarios dentro la religiosidad indígena. Y, precisamente, una de las expresiones más amplias del complejo proceso de sincretismo simbólico es la de las imágenes de los santos nagualizados; es decir, la dinámica del 'modo d vivir' la religión por parte de los indios que los ha llevado a conservar un sinnúmero de elementos fundamentales de la cosmovisión nahua prehispánica, introducidos subrepticiamente dentro de la concepción ortodoxa de la iglesia católica. "Los efectos sociales, secuelas conflictivas y expresiones de resistencia ocasionados por esta transformación de la práctica popular religiosa entre la jerarquía eclesiástica y el pueblo indígena, son abordados de manera analítica y sistemática por Félix Báez-Jorge en la presente obra, aunando a ello una serie de planteamientos que estimularán, sin duda alguna, posteriores propuestas y discusiones."
5. The Bear and His Sons: Masculinity in Spanish and Mexican Folktales (University of Texas Press, 1997; ISBN 0-292-78145-8, paper; ISBN 0-292-78114-X, cloth) by James Taggart is another excellent book that should be read by all Mesoamericanists. Jim Taggart is one of the founders of the Nahua Group who first proposed almost fourteen years ago that the NN be published as means of increasing communication among scholars and students. The ethnological comparison of The Bear and His Sons is a breakthrough in our understanding of the cultural construction of gender. It is also a brilliant example of how oral narratives can be analyzed to reveal deep-seated cultural principles in particularly difficult-to-study areas such as gender values. The book compares oral narrations among Nahuas in the Sierra Norte de Puebla with similar or cognate stories told in contemporary Spain. The author is able to trace stories recounted by contemporary Nahuas to their Spanish origins and to show how the Nahuas have modified the tales to reflect better their own conceptions of masculinity. This book represents a major step forward in cultural analysis and shows how the unique historical position of the Nahuas can be used to further our understanding of cultural similarities and differences.
From the back cover:
"All the world over, people tell stories to express their deepest feelings about such things as what makes a 'real' man or woman; what true love, courage, or any other virtue is; what the proper relationships are between people. Often groups of people widely separated by space and time will tell the same basic story, but with differences in the details that reveal much about a particular group's worldview. "This book looks at differences in the telling of several common Hispanic folktales. James Taggart contrasts how two men--a Spaniard and an Aztec-speaking Mexican--tell such tales as 'The Bear's Son.' He explores how their stories present different ways of being a man in their respective cultures. "Taggart's analysis contributes to a revision of Freud's theory of gender, which was heavily grounded in biological determinism. Taggart focuses instead on how fathers reproduce different forms of masculinity in their sons. In particular, he shows how fathers who care for their infant sons teach them a relational masculinity based on a connected view of human relationships. Thus, The Bear and His Sons will be important reading not only in anthropology and folklore, but also in the growing field of men's studies."
6. Frances Berdan, California State University San Bernardino, has organized a symposium on ethnicity in Mexico at this year's 68th Anglo-American Conference of Historians to be held from June 30th through July 2nd at the University of London. The theme of the meeting is "Race and Ethnicity" and the title of the Mexican symposium is "Ethnic Identity in Mexico: Precolumbian to Modern Times." Three American Mesoamericanists will make presentations during the symposium: Frances Berdan will speak on "Concepts of Ethnicity and Class in Aztec-Period Mexico; John Chance, Arizona State University, will present "Indigenous Ethnicity in Colonial Mexico; and Alan Sandstrom, Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne, will speak on "Native American Ethnic Identity in Contemporary Mexico: The Case of the Nahuas of Northern Veracruz."
7. Patricia Rieff Anawalt published an article entitled "Traders of the Ecuadorian Littoral" in the November/December 1997 issue of Archaeology in which she notes that "striking parallels in dress and artifacts suggest that strong economic ties existed between Ecuador and West Mexico more than 1,500 years ago."
Hippocrates' Latin American Legacy: Humoral Medicine in the New World. By George McClelland Foster. Langhorne, Penn.: Gordon and Breach, 1994. Pp. xvii+242. Theory and Practice in Medical Anthropology and International Health, Vol. 1. $40.00 (cloth). ISBN 2881246109 (cloth); ISBN 2881246117 (paper).
Hippocrates' Latin American Legacy comprises 10 chapters plus a short introduction and epilogue, an appendix, an extensive bibliography, and a useful Index. Chapter 1 states the general problem. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 deal with humoral theory in Tzintzuntzan, Michoacán (its basic principles, disease causality, and therapy). Chapters 5, 6, and 7 clarify issues concerning the ascription of humoral values, the neutral value in humoral medical systems, and the validating role of humoral theory in therapy. Chapters 8 and 9 deal with the diffusion of humoral medicine to many parts of the world, and Chapter 10 discusses humoral elements in American popular medicine. I have selected for discussion those issues that are potentially of the greatest interest to Nahua scholars.
In Chapter 1, Foster discusses the three world variants of humoral medicine: the Ayurvedic of India, the Chinese, and the Hippocratic-Galenic or Graeco-Persian-Arab humoral traditions. The author's clear presentation of the basic pattern of humoral medicine in the Americas is commendable. Briefly, foods, remedies and many other substances have a metaphoric quality--a humoral value of "Hot," "Cold" or "Temperate" that is distinct from their thermal temperature. Illnesses are explained "as due to hot and cold insults (sometimes thermal, sometimes metaphoric) that upset the bodily temperature equilibrium that is believed to spell health. A hot insult produces a hot illness, while a cold insult produces a cold illness. Therapies... conform to what has been known since the time of Hippocrates as the 'principle of opposites': a Cold remedy for a hot illness and a Hot remedy for a cold illness" (p. 3).
Foster capitalizes the first letter of words for humoral values (Hot, Cold, Temperate) and uses lower-case initial letters for thermal temperature values (hot, cold, temperate). All scholars should consider adopting this potential standardization since it would eliminate a considerable amount of confusion that currently exists in discussions of humoral medicine.
A second strength of this chapter is his overview of the diffusion of Greek humoral medicine, which "under the Moslems,[diffused] eastward through Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Malaysia and parts of Indonesia, and westward to Europe, Latin America, and the Philippines" (p. 12). This diffusion of Greek humoral medicine is followed up in detail in Chapters 8 and 9.
Chapters 2, 3, and 4 specifically discuss humoral theory in Tzintzuntzan. It is evident that Foster is a very skilled field worker. For example, he observes that metaphoric/humoral values in Tzintzuntzan apply only to material items and that, with rare exceptions, humoral values do not change (p. 26). He is a keen observer and a very careful listener, perhaps the most important attributes of an ethnographer.
Foster arrives at generalizations through induction; two are of particular interest. First, "[I]n Tzintzuntzan thermal temperature is cited far more frequently as the precipitating factor leading to illness than is the humoral value of food or drink. With respect to therapy, the opposite is true: thermal temperatures of remedies are far less important than are their humoral calidades" (p. 41). Second, "Turning to etiologies, the most remarkable thing about illness causality concepts in Tzintzuntzan is that almost all illness is attributed to natural causes, and not to supernatural or magical sources. This characteristic, of course, marks humoral medical systems in general, and it stands in striking contrast to the etiological beliefs found in tropical South America, indigenous North America, Africa, paleoarctic Siberia, and Oceania, where witchcraft, soul loss, object intrusion, possession, breach of taboo, and the ghosts of ancestors are the most frequently named causes of illness.... [Unlike these personalistic medical systems], in Tzintzuntzan, people (insofar as illness is concerned) are far more concerned with their relationships to their natural environment than to their neighbors" (pp. 69-70).
Chapters 4 and 7 are two of the most interesting chapters in this book; both deal with the role of humoral theory in therapy. Contrary to what most anthropologists have argued, Foster claims that humoral theory plays a relatively small role in therapy. He began to consider this possibility after he became aware of anomalies in his Tzintzuntzan ethnomedical data. For example, (1) there was widespread disagreement among informants with respect to the humoral values of many common remedies, and prescribed and proscribed foods, and (2) many common therapies failed to conform to the principle of opposites prescription. Bilis, for example, is thought to be due to an overflow of Hot bile from the liver into the stomach. Yet the ingredients most often mentioned by informants as a remedy for bilis are predominantly Hot (pp. 135-36).
Foster believes that humoral theory validates rather than prescribes empirical treatments (p. 131). Medicines are prescribed for well-known complaints with little or no thought given to their humoral consistency (p. 137). They are prescribed because there is the expectation, based on prior experience, that they will work (p. 138). Many therapies are consistent with humoral theory; many are not. Evidently, people uncritically accept humoral theory. They tend to remember or point out instances in which humoral theory is validated but ignore or only become vaguely aware of instances in which humoral theory is not supported.
After reading Foster's account about the validating role of humoral theory in therapy, I began to wonder about the role of other kinds of disease-causing theories in contemporary Nahua communities. In many Nahua communities, witchcraft, soul loss, object intrusion, possession, breach of taboo, and ancestral spirits are believed to be causes of illness. What role do these kinds of personalistic theories of disease play in the prescription of medicinal therapy? We need to know more about what goes on in the minds of Nahua healers when they prescribe rituals and herbal medicines for different kinds of illnesses.
Chapter 8 details Foster's account of "how contemporary humoral medicine described by anthropologists in Indian, mestizo, and ladino communities in the Americas (and in the West Indies and the Philippines) [is] a simplified form of classical humoral theory and practice, which was brought to the New World by Spaniards and Portuguese" (p. 149). Chapter 9 argues that we should reject the view that humoral medicine in the Americas is an indigenous cultural trait (e.g., of pre-Hispanic Aztec origin) that after 500 years "of European influences remains so vigorous that it is still a major source not only of Indian but also of rural mestizo and urban popular medical practice" (p. 149).
Foster's "Filtering Down" model is a very plausible account of how many elements of an elite-scientific medical system were transmitted to urban and rural settings in the New World. Foster makes extensive use of historical and comparative ethnographic data to show how humoral medicine in the New World, taught "in medical schools until the early 19th century... diffused to a popular level through the ministrations of religious and medical personnel in hospitals and elsewhere, through pharmacies, and through home care manuals" (p. 150).
I agree with Foster that the American Origin models developed by Audrey Butt Colson, Alfredo López Austin, and Bernard Ortiz de Montellano are problematic. For example, many "pre-hispanic" sources of medical information, even the very earliest ones, are not "pure Indian" in content. There is reason to believe they have been "contaminated" in varying degrees by European humoral theory and when humoral ideas are encountered in Aztec texts, it is difficult to pinpoint their origin. The American origins model can not account for the "remarkable homogeneity of humoral medicine in all Latin America, in the Caribbean, and in the Philippines. The same equilibrium model of health, the same Hot-Cold classificatory system, the same names of illnesses, the same remedies and therapies are all found throughout this immense area" (p. 158). In addition, if humoral beliefs and practices in Latin America are of indigenous (e.g., Aztec) rather than European origin, then it would be reasonable to expect that humoral ideas would be stronger or at least as strong among contemporary indigenous groups as among those of greater European ancestry. Available ethnographic accounts do not support this expectation. In fact, humoral ideas appear to be weakest in the most isolated Nahua communities (p. 164).
For more than fifty years, Foster has been thinking hard about the impact of Spain on indigenous American cultures such as the Nahua. This has involved him in an interesting debate with some of the most respected Nahua scholars including López Austin and Ortiz de Montellano. Readers of the Nahua Newsletter should take note of this book because there is a lot that is worthy of emulation and admiration. It is cross-cultural in nature and deals with a topic that is of broad, general interest. Humoral medicine is a medical system that has existed for well over 2,000 years, and is arguably the longest lived of all scientific paradigms. Foster's book is based upon a solid empirical foundation and is full of insightful and clear analyses. This book embodies the very best in anthropology.
Brad R. Huber
College of Charleston
Este libro fue publicado en el mes de noviembre de 1998, en la ciudad de Xalapa, Veracruz. Me parece que su lectura, tiene la qualidad, entre otras, de recordarnos la importancia del quehacer etnográfico en la construcción de las reflexiones que actualmente se tejen en torno a los pueblos indígenas, en el marco de una realidad contemporánea que pareciera complejizarse más día con día. A partir de un cuidadoso registro etnográfico, cotejado con la información de las tempranas crónicas de evangelizadores, así como con códices y otros textos, los autores han logrado reconstruir parte de la visión del mundo de los nahuas de Chicontepec, una de las regiones interétnicas con más alto índice de población indígena en el estado de Veracruz.
De ahí que considero aportación relevante de este trabajo, el hecho de que nos muestre una de las piezas fundamentales de las representaciones colectivas que los nahuas han configurado durante el proceso colonial, mismas que se manifiestan hoy en la dinámica de su articulación con la sociedad dominante. Su cosmovisión se enmarca en una posición estructural que mantiene a los nahuas, como al resto de los indigénas de México, en una condición de subalternidad orquestada desde la colonia.
En este devenir, se señala en el texto, los nahuas se han movido en una diferente dirección a la de la sociedad occidental, en la cual es el racionalismo y no el pensamiento religioso, el que rige los comportamientos sociales. Los autores apuntan que su interés se centra en el examen de las tendencias que actúan en favor de la reproducción cultural, dentro de un esquema de articulación con la sociedad dominante, que se caracteriza por la presencia de dos vectores o tendencias opuestas: aquellas que implican una ruptura con los valores y estructuras de origen para insertarse en la modernidad, y aquellas otras que se dirigen hacia la reproducción cultural y enmarcan formas de identidad étnica y de resistencia ideológica.
Al paracer, esta oposición, y la consequente adaptación a las esferas atravesadas por el Estado y las relaciones mercantiles, no han evitado la constancia escencial del universo metafísico de los nahuas. Su visión del mundo, espresada tanto en las narraciones orales que los autores han recogido y transcrito en este libro, como en la experiencia de la vida ritual, en cual se personifica y se rinde culto a Tlacatecolotl, evidencian la vitalidad de un pensamiento religioso que forma parte de lo que López Austin (1994) ha llamado "complejo religioso mesoamericano."
Los datos presentados muestran de manera elocuente que aún cuando no podamos decir que las religiones indígenas de hoy son una reproducción fiel de las religiones prehispánicas, el pensamiento de los nahuas ha conservado durante un largo periodo determinados principios que sostienen su percepción del universo y norman sus acciones hacia el mismo. Es evidente que la evangelización y la destrucción de instituciones indígenas no fue suficiente para acabar con una cosmovisión que se apoya en un cuerpo de creencias y formas de culto que continúan como importante vehículo en los mecanismos internos de estos pueblos. La cosmovisión de los nahuas de Chicontepec es un hecho histórico de producción de pensamiento social inmerso en decursos de larga duración, señalan los autores, hecho que ha dado lugar a un tradición que se produjo entre la línea de la antigua tradición religiosa y el cristianismo.
En el texto, los autores exponen, en primer término, los ámbitos del universo do los nahuas, el cual aparece formado por tres planos (el celeste, el terrestre y el inframundo) orientados hacia cuatro esquinas, los puntos cardinales. Cada uno de estos planos tiene a su vez, subdivisiones, en las cuales habitan diferentes divinidades atendiendo a los elementos de la naturaleza; en el cielo, por ejemplo, se ubica Citlalpa, el sitio de las estrellas o citlalimeh, así como Ehecapa, lugar de los vientos. En la penúltima capa celeste habitan los santos católicos (totiotzitzih), el sol (Tonatih), la luna (Meeztli) y Tlacatacolotl, el hombre búho.
Los autores detallan la idea del universo de los nahuas, que incluye la conceptualización del movimiento de los astros, de los temidos estratos del inframundo y el punto del equilibrio cósmico: Tlaltepactli, la superficie terrestre, donde convergen el día y la noche, el frío y el calor, punto intermedio entre el plano celeste y el inframundo. Tlaltepactli, representación del equilibrio, es el principio que orienta los rituales de los nahuas. La composición del entorno más inmediato es aprehendida a partir de la unicación de sitios los sagrados en el interior del territorio étnico: elevaciones, sitios arqueológicos, ríos, manantiales y encrucijadas. De manera que el texto reúne interpretaciones tantos relativas a la composición del cosmos en sus distintos planos, como a la distribución sagrada del espacio regional, donde los nahuas renuevan y reelaboran un sistema de pensamiento con profundas raíces en la tradición religiosa mesoamericana.
Si bien el apartado referido a los ámbitos del universo y sus divinidades, representa un importante aporte de este trabajo, el interés explícito del texto está dirigido hacia la figura de Tlacatecolotl, personaje que los autores interpretan como de carácter dual y los nahuas asocian con el Demonio; imaginado al mismo tiempo como hombre y mujer, como joven y viejo, como curandero y brujo, y en fin como bueno y malo. En tanto entidad maligna, dicen los autores, es considerado como patrono de los mestizos.
En el libro se explica también cómo se ha reelaborado este personaje en el contexto de las prácticas cotidianas, cuya lógica se expresa en la cosmovisión que le asigna las tareas a Tlacatecolotl. Es especialmente en ocasión de la celebración del carnaval o nahnahuatilli cuando se realizan rituales dirigidos a la manutención del equilibrio en el orden terrestre y en la vida comunitaria, o bien al agradecimiento por dones personales o favores recibidos. Como señalara Evon Vogt, cuando la escencia de un mensaje ritual es un principio irrevocable de la realidad, debe ser transmitido mediante la plegaria, el canto, la danza. La celebración del carnaval recrea las categorías con que los nahuas de Chicontepec perciben su entorno y reafirma los términos en que se debe actuar, términos que casi siempre implican ofrendas a Tlacatecolotl y otras deidades a cambio de favores y bienestar colectivo.
Tlacatecolotl está presente en las peticiones de lluvia y en plegarias propiciatorias de la fertilidad agraria, pero también en ceremonias privadas de curación o de hechicería y en fin, en cuestiones fundamentales de la vida cotidiana. Los autores transcriben algunas de las plegarias que se dirigen a Tlacatecolotl, las cuales fueron registradas en náhuatl, en distintas localidades de la región y realizadas especialmente en rituales privados. Ahí se le conmina a equilibrar su conducta, se le ruega bienestar y protección ante los peligros y dificultades de la vida, se ofrendan alimentos, bebidas, flores y velas. Con veneración no exhenta de temor, se le extienden largas oraciones (p. 84):
Yeca namah ni tlacualli timitzmacah,
/ Hoy te entregamos este banquete
yeca timitz tlapopochuiliah,
/ y te sahumamos
yeca timitz tlatiliah se
cantela, / y te encendemos una vela
yeca ica timitztlatenohnotzah.
/ y te invocamos.
Ay tlacatecolotzi namah cualli xiitzto / Ay hombrecito búho,
que estés bien
campa tinemi, campa timosehuia,
/ en todos tus caminos, en tu aposento,
tlan tlehtleya ax ticamati
/ si algo no te agrada
xitechmatilti pan temictli,
/ queremos que nos informes a través de sueños,
achi cualli timatiseh, /
es mejor que lo sepamos,
huan amo mopeca ticualantos,
/ para evitarte molestias,
amo mopeca timosisinihtos.
/ y no andarás por ahí furioso.
Si me surge alguna interrogante después de la lectura de este breve pero intenso recorrido por la cosmovisión de los nahuas, ésta se refiere a aquel problema que planteara Galinier en relación a los mitos cosmogónicos. En muchos casos, dice el autor, las diferencias en el dominio del saber antiguo son cada día más significativas de una a otra localidad, de una a otra clase de edad, a veces conocimiento reservada de los shamanes o ancianos de los pueblos o pequeñas localidades. Quiénes son hoy en día los encargados de renovar este acervo en la sociedad nahua contemporánea. Aún cuando en el libro se especifican los nombres de las localidades donde se recogieron los mitos y se registraron los rituales, considero de interés contar con un poco más de información acerca de los poseedores de este conocimiento ritual y mitológico, cuyas reveladoras versiones no hacen sino sorprender ante su familiaridad con algunas nociones prehispánicos del universo.
Para finalizar, quisiera señalar que me parace que este trabajo es una contribución, que supongo los autores continuarán enriqueciendo, en el estudio de las persistencias, divergencias y particularidades, de las visiones del mundo indígena.
María Teresa Rodríguez
CIESAS-Golfo
It is irrefutable that corn, beans, and squash have played an important role in the lives of people throughout Mesoamerica. Yet of no less significance to these people are chile peppers (Capsicum spp.), which have left an indelible mark on the inhabitants of this region. In her wonderful book, Peppers: The Domesticated Capsicums, Jean Andrews provides us with a wealth of information regarding the origin, domestication, botany, uses, and spread of chile peppers around the globe.
This book is divided into ten chapters with additional useful information and illustrations compiled in a series of appendices, glossaries, and bibliography. Upon opening the book one is treated to a series of 34 beautiful paintings of various chile peppers produced by Jean Andrews. The first three chapters focus on the general history of chile pepper use throughout the Americas and includes numerous accounts from early European explorers relating their first encounters with these fiery fruits. I was very impressed with the lengthy list of names compiled by the author of the words used for chile peppers in 61 different countries/regions of the world. The diversity of names is particularly interesting in light of the fact that chile peppers are native to the New World. Yet, within approximately the first century of European contact in the Americas, chiles had encircled the globe, arriving in some locales in advance of the first explorers! While this historical account is by no means complete, it has sufficient depth and breadth to serve as an entertaining and informative introduction to chile peppers for any reader.
Chapters 4 through 7 are concerned with the botany and many agricultural aspects of chile peppers. In addition to discussing the botanical origin of chiles, these chapters serve as an important introduction to the characteristics used in assigning the staggering variety of chile peppers to one of five recognized domesticated species. The high profile of chile peppers in the botanical world has been a mixed blessing with regard to the lexicon of Capsicum spp. While chiles have been so scrutinized by botanists to the point of making them one of the most thoroughly studied groups of plants, chile peppers taxonomy has suffered from numerous revisions, leaving in its wake countless discarded and abandoned classification schemes. These efforts have resulted in a great deal of confusion in the literature regarding chile pepper nomenclature. Andrews' effort to synthesize this body of knowledge regarding chile pepper classification will be of great benefit to anyone beginning to sort out the complexities it presents.
Chapter 8 is of special interest. The author presents a series of extra-culinary applications of chile peppers from several different countries and cultures. Many of the examples, especially those described under "Magic, Ritual, and Folklore Uses," are drawn from Mesoamerica and include the application of chiles for medicinal and other purposes.
The final two chapters focus on specific chile cultivars. These are followed by recipes incorporating several of these delectable varieties. As a sort of compendium to this chapter, a second book by Andrews, The Pepper Lady's Pocket Pepper Primer, offers details regarding many more pepper varieties. While the second book does not offer the same degree of rich detail and history about chile peppers, its many excellent chile photos can help serve as an appealing starting point for the identification of pepper cultivars.
Both books will be of great value to people interested in Mesoamerican culture or cuisine. Since the use of chile peppers is so pervasive throughout this region, any information one can garner regarding this food item will certainly add a deeper insight into the past and present daily lives of these people.
Robert H. Cichewicz
Northeast Louisiana University
In the early decades of this century a small group of researchers fanned out across the North American continent to record the cultures of the native peoples. As an elderly Haida lady recently informed a friend of mine, she wanted to have some myths recorded before she died, but the anthropologists were simply not coming anymore. In his serious, detailed, and respectful attention to recording the religious and intellectual universe of the Huichol, Peter Furst, the senior editor of this work, is one of the dwindling few still working in the great tradition of American anthropology. The massive work under review - 520 pages of ethnography - is not only a monument to the Huichol but also a memorial to his consultants of some three decades ago (see Chapters 6, 13) and the illustrious ethnographer, Konrad Theodor Preuss, who preceded him (see Chapter 4).
The editors have assembled a dozen American, Mexican, Japanese, French, and British ethnographers to contribute seventeen chapters on Huichol religion, history, and survival. The contributions are fashioned into a coherent unit by Furst's brief introductions to each chapter. The first chapter by the editors Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst presents ethnographic background information, including sections devoted to social organization, religion, shamanism, and peyote.
The peyote cactus at the center of Huichol religious, ritual, and cultural symbolism is not native to Huichol territory but is secured on annual pilgrimages to an area near Real de Catorce, San Luís Potosí, 300 miles to the northeast. The richly costumed pilgrims leave votive offerings and prayers at the sacred sites immortalized in the primordial peyote hunt of the ancestral deities. In the second, chapter Peter Furst develops the euhemerist theory that the highly complex Huichol peyote pilgrimage to their sacred land of creation--the abode of the gods, ancestral shades, and unborn children--is a mythological reenactment of the actual migration of their ancestors from the original Huichol homeland. That the Huichol are inveterate travelers is attested to by the ritual incorporation of Popocatépetl into their sacred geography. Recently, I was informed on the Miawpukek Micmac reserve in southern Newfoundland, that a group of Huichol had previously, in the spirit of pan-Indian ecumenism, even paid them a visit.
In Chapter 3, Allen Franz delineates the nature of Huichol ethnohistory in terms of five phases from 1530 to the present. The underlying question in Franz's essay is why the Huichol were able to survive and maintain themselves as a singularly distinctive people, in contrast to the diminution and disappearance of their western Nahua neighbors. The answer lies, according to Franz, partly in the fact that the Huichol responded to colonial enslavement, overwork, tribute demands, and other provocations with insurrections, raids, the destruction of missions, and open opposition to religious conversion. Hence the colonial authorities never succeeded in congregating the Huichol into new settlements (reducción), which resulted in so much devastation and death by epidemic diseases for other indigenous groups.
In Chapter 5, Stacy Schaefer relates aspects of the ethnobotany, ritual consumption, physiological effects, and societal functions of the peyote cactus. Schaefer ascribes the remarkable properties of peyote and its potent adjuvant, Nicotiana rustica, to their pharmacological action on the brain's neurotransmitters, thereby mechanically reducing the encounter with transcendental meaning to chemical messages. The Huichol have incorporated the vivid, multi-colored images of these visionary experiences into their yarn paintings. In a comparison of mescaline-induced hallucinatory images and pre-Columbian ritual art, Alfonso Toro (1923:120) noted a similar correspondence between hallucinogenic imagery and pages 29 32, and 36 of the Borgia Codex.
The Nahuatl trope for peyote was Tonantzin xochitl, the "Flower of Our Mother," and the Huichol verbal metaphor for peyote is the flower, which is depicted in their weaving, embroidery, and other artworks. The trope of hallucinogenic plant-as-flower was, to the chagrin of León Portilla, not missed by Gordon Wasson, who used it to explicate pre-Conquest Nahuatl poetry (Wasson 1980:79-92; Ortiz de Montellano 1981:355-57).
In Chapter 7, Armando Casillas Romo, a medical doctor, describes the Huichol symptomology, diagnosis, and treatment for sixty indigenous illnesses. Most prevalent are communicable diseases (some 15) resulting from microbial infections and parasitic infestations. This is followed by malnutritional disorders (eight), with the rest being divided (four to six) among diseases of the respiratory, gastrointestinal, urinary, and integumentary systems.
In Chapter 8, Masaya Yasumoto describes the religious beliefs and behavior related to Kiéri, a plant deity. Although Kiéri has been identified as being Solandra spp., two other solanaceous genera, Datura and Brugmansia, are recognized by the Huichol as being part of the Kiéri complex. Kiéri is described in mythological accounts as the "Tree of the Wind." Considerable confusion is introduced into the discussion, since all Solandra spp. are woody climbers, not trees, as described in the essay (pp. 245, 247) (Martinez 1966). Contrary to Yasumoto's statement (p. 256), it is the arboreal Brugmansia spp., a South American introduction, which bear no fruit in Mexico, and Solandra spp., which bear fruiting bodies. There are several botanically unidentified psychotropic plants in the region (Russell 1975:224n.; Bourke 1894:125), and if the "Tree of the Wind" is a real and not mythological tree, it remains to be identified.
The Kiéri plant is closely connected with evil magic and primarily ingested by sorcerers (Knab 1977:85). Kiéri ingestion plays a significant role in Susana Eger Valadez's engaging, insider account (Chapter 9) of the arduous, dangerous, and lengthy initiation process present in a branch of Huichol shamanism intimately connected with natural and immortal wolves. Eger Valadez's account is free of the negative and sinister overtones associated with Navaho "human wolves" and similar phenomena (Morgan 1936; Barrett 1917). Of less merit and somewhat questionable is Eger Valadez's concluding discussion, in which she takes her theoretical cue from Terence McKenna, billed as "the Timothy Leary of the 90's," and whose recent book True Hallucinations was launched not with a book signing but with an all-night rave in San Francisco.
Central to Huichol ritual and religious thought are deer, peyote, and maize, which are linked together in a plethora of conceptual and ritual correspondences as being identical, yet discrete entities. Commonly described as an irrational or "symbolic" expression each, in fact, is an incarnation and manifestation of a deity and owner, which may assume human, deer, peyote or maize forms. In Chapter 10, Denis Lemaistre describes aspects of this Huichol trikaya or trinity and relates it to the Huichol ritual deer hunt, which contains themes common to the sacred journey/hunt for peyote. The exalted, sacred position of this animal, its reverential treatment, and the ritual nature of the deer hunt from beginning to end (pp. 17, 314-321), like the bear-hunting rituals of many northerly peoples, are the manifestations of a hunting existence.
In Chapter 11, Stacy Schaefer describes the relationships of Huichol community temples with social organization, the annual ceremonial cycle, cosmology, and myth. The quincunx pattern is replicated on a number of levels (i.e., layout of community temples, rooftop plant offerings, etc.). Most noteworthy is Schaefer's analysis of the Huichol temple as a nexus for the seasons, sun, moon, and stars, which is must reading for anyone interested in the ethnoastronomy of Native American architecture.
In Chapter 12, Marina Anglian Fernández describes the Huichol mortuary ritual. In a new twist on a familiar theme, the spirit of the dead is recalled from the lower world five days after the individual's death. The nocturnal mortuary ritual, then, is a final ceremonial communion and farewell of the family with the departed, marked by the ritual erasure of memory of, and protection from, the deceased. The Huichol understanding of this ritual is explicated in Ramón Medina Silva's narrative in the ensuing chapter (Chapter 13), which follows the rite's memorial chant. After death, a shaman-singer and his tutelary spirit accompanies the departed soul on the long journey to the lower world (tree of life), where he captures the soul with a feather scepter and returns it to the family hearth for the final ritual of the dead. The soul then joins the Sun in its cosmic circuit over the earth and descent to the land of the dead below the horizon. The theme of illicit sexual activity as a "transgression" and "burden"is foregrounded in the shaman singer's chant for the departed. The chant's symbolism of disembodied sexual organs, tree of life, and falling fruit is a telling corrective to the debate surrounding the origin of analogous symbolism in Telleriano Remensis and other codices (Graulich 1983).
Underpinning notions of the dead are the Huichol soul concepts, which are discussed in follow-up Chapter 14 by Michel Perrin. Perrin brings to his essay a deeply humanistic sensitivity which he displayed in his previous study of the Guajiro (The Way of the Dead Indians, University of Texas Press, 1986). Perrin focuses his discussion on the urukáme, a vital essence or life force of the elderly and shamans, which is transformed at death into a rock crystal and enshrined in Huichol homes. Failure to present offerings to urukáme crystals and the deities results in illness, a cultural caveat that reinforces traditional mores by requiring additional consultations with a shaman-curer and ritual expenditures.
In Chapter 16, Anthony Shelton emphasizes the practical and sacral importance of maize to the Huichol, by detailing the crucial role of this cultigen in Huichol mythology, religion, and ritual. He then relates this to the Instituto Nacional Indigenista development programs in the Huichol region over the past thirty years. The introduction of new maize varieties and other technological projects were not overly successful, since planned changes were incongruous with existing cultural beliefs and, in some cases, in direct conflict with them. Knowledge and directions were directed at the people, rather than items chosen and decisions made by a committee representing the community.
In Chapter 17, Salomón Nahmad Sittón reflects, in a lengthy and somewhat repetitive discussion, upon the historical and contemporary relationships between the Huichol and the dominant society. Huichol communities are under the jurisdiction of various mestizo-controlled municipalities and three federal states, which dilutes and fragments their political power as independent, self-governing communities. The Huichol have been and continue to be subject to exploitation, land theft, strident evangelization, and various forms of coercive acculturation. For political and economic reasons, groups of Huichols have settled in coastal and urban areas, away from their territory. Nahmad Sittón notes that these colonists seek to maintain their beliefs, rituals, Huichol lifeways, and identity in a more energetic form than those living in the Huichol homeland. In immersing themselves in the physical and social environment of the dominant culture, they do not give up their core Huichol beliefs and traditions--a thesis I found to hold true for the Mixe of Oaxaca. Conversant in both the indigenous and the urban-industrial cultures, some are able to switch codes, much like bilingual speakers.
In the concluding chapter, Furst and Schaefer expand on Nahmad's theme of threats to Huichol existence. Around Wirikúta, the Huichol place of origin the divine succulent vital to Huichol survival--peyote--is being indiscriminately ripped out, and in the towns along the peyote pilgrimage route skulk small groups of gringos, hoping to join the Huichol peyoteros. The editors stress, however, that the greatest present threat to their well-being is in the form of organophosphate pesticides which the Huichol are exposed to in their drinking water and as workers in lowland tobacco plantations.
This book will appeal most of all to readers familiar with Huichol ethnography, whereas those new to the Huichol will find the material, due to its rich complexity, at times difficult going. The style is clear and elegant with occasional lapses into reverent and longwinded rhapsody. Since the editors have retained the essays as self-contained units, there is, understandably, also some overlapping repetition of material. People of the Peyote is well illustrated and the glossary and Index, indispensable to a work of this kind, are thorough and well researched. Unfortunately, references cited in the text are occasionally missing from the bibliography.
Mesoamericanists will find the book a valuable resource in their own research. Huichol culture is singularly unique but it has much in common with other Middle American cultures. The Huichol death goddess, Tukakáme, in her wearing of human bones as jewelry thus forewarning the people of her approach (p. 360) is analogous to the Papago cannibal ogre Ho'ok (Saxton 1978:288). The Huichol foot drum (p. 343) also has a northern Utonahuan analogue (Johnson 1940). Tatei Turikita, the goddess of fertility and children, who dwells in a house of flowers in which infants are born, is reminiscent of the Aztec xochicaltzin, "house of flowers," a metaphor for the sweatbath, presided over by Tlazoltéotl-Teteoinnan (Benítez 1975:127; Sahagún 1969:151). The urukáme bundle (pp. 404-406) and the Aztec sacred bundle (tlaquimilolli) share these three features: (1) a precious stone incarnating the "heart soul" of an important personage, (2) wrapped in cloth, with (3) a stick or arrow attached to it (Torquemada 1729:78; Bancroft 1874:61-62,54n). Familiar to Mesoamericanists is the Huichol's linking of male/female deity pairs to the dry season/wet season bipartition of the year.
Rather than a study of isolated cultural traits, what is required is a synoptic overview of the main themes and variations present in the rich corpus of Huichol ethnography. Such a work would allow for comparison with other Mesoamerican religious systems and the elucidation of underlying structural similarities (cf. Shelton 1989:177-78).
References cited
Bancroft, Hubert H. 1874. Native Races of the Pacific States. Vol. 3. New York: D. Appleton - Co. Barrett, S.A. 1917. "Pomo Bear Doctors." University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 12(11):443-65.
Benítez, Fernando. 1975. In the Magic Land of Peyote. New York: Warner Books. Bourke, John G. 1894. "Popular Medicine, Customs and Superstitions of the Rio Grande." Journal of American Folklore 7:119-46.
Graulich, Michel. 1983. "Myths of Paradise Lost in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico." Current Anthropology 24(5):575-88. Johnson, Jean Bassett. 1940. "The Piman Footdrum and Fertility Rites." El Mexico Antiguo 5:140-41.
Knab, Tim. 1977. "Notes Concerning Use of Solandra Among the Huichol." Economic Botany 31:80-86. Martínez, Maximino. 1966. "Las Solandras de México, con una especie nueva." Instituto de Biología, Anales (México) 37:87-106. Morgan, William. 1936. "Human Wolves Among the Navaho." Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 11. Ortiz de Montellano, Bernard R. 1981. "Entheogens: The Interaction of Biology and Culture." Reviews in Anthropology 8:339-63. Russell, Frank. 1975. The Pima Indians. Re-edition with introduction, citation sources, and bibliography by Bernard L. Fontana. Tucson: University of Arizona Press; originally published as part of the 26th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904 1905.
Sahagún, Bernardino de. 1969. "Book 6 - The Origins of the Gods." In General History of the Things of New Spain: Florentine Codex. Translated by Arthur J.O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, Part 4. 2nd ed. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Saxton, Dean, and Lucille Saxton. 1978. Legends and Lore of the Papago and Pima Indians. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Shelton, Anthony. 1988. "Preliminary Notes on Some Structural Parallels in the Symbolic and Relational Classification of Nahuatl and Huichol Deities." In Polytheistic Systems. Edited by Glenys Davies, pp. 151-83. Cosmos, Vol. 5. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Toro, Alfonso. 1928. "Las plantas sagradas de los aztecas y su influencia sobre el arte precortesiano." Proceedings of the International Congress of Americanists (New York) 23:101-21. Torquemada, Juan de. 1729. Primera, segunda, tercera parte de los veinte i un libros rituales i monarquía indiana con el origen y guerras, de los indios occidentales. Vol. 2. Madrid: N. Rodríguez Franco.
Frank J. Lipp
New York City
This monograph is based upon Christine Eber's fieldwork in San Pedro Chenalho, a Maya community in highland Chiapas, Mexico. Eber addresses two major research questions in this work, namely, how is women's relationship to alcohol changing in Chenalho and How is the native population handling their own drinking problems and that of others? In particular, these questions are examined in relation to religious-based definitions of alcohol consumption, deviant drinking, and religious beliefs as supports for achieving abstinence. Eber also addresses these issues in light of the relatively rapid social change experienced not only by increasing external (Ladino) influences, but most importantly, the increased influence of abstinence-promoting, non native religious groups operating in the region.
This 302-page book is arranged in 12 chapters with appendices, notes, and references. The first three chapters do an excellent job of describing and framing the conditions under which the author explores her specific research questions. After a "Frameworks and Methods" chapter, the author does a good job of describing both the cultural history of the community in light of external influences and the impact such influences have had on the types of alcoholic beverages consumed and the shifts in the nature of consumption in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3, "Crazy February," Eber utilizes her arrival in the field during Carnival season to provide an overview of cultural views regarding drinking, particularly during times of celebration
In the next three chapters, Eber provides elaborate data upon which she basis much of her analysis. Chapter 4 outlines child-rearing practices and family relations within the community, with particular attention to power relations and the mechanisms through which they are exercised. She then provides in Chapter 5 a detailed description of the religious feast of St. Peter focusing on the nature and symbolic meaning of alcohol consumption. Chapter 6 deals with the definitions and responses of family members to the consumption and over-consumption of alcohol by other family members.
Chapter 7 focuses upon the development of a processual framework on drinking by attempting to locate definitions of deviant drinking and efforts to control such drinking in wider cultural beliefs and practices. Chapter 8, "Shamans' Cures for Problem Drinking," presents data and analysis dealing with the central role played by the views of key local shamans in constructing and maintaining the larger cultural beliefs regarding drinking.
Chapter 9 reintroduces the topic of cultural change brought by outside influences and examines the resulting changes in the economic roles of some women, consequent social redefinition of these women and their changing responses to deviant and abusive drinking. Chapter 10, "Traditions, Religion and Drinking," attempts a structural comparison of traditional religious views of drinking and its control with more newly arrived religious beliefs represented by Protestants and Catholic Action. The increasing popularity of these two newer religious groups in the area, and the impact of their alcohol-abstinence beliefs and prohibitionist sentiments upon the political landscape are examined in Chapter 11. This treatment is followed by a brief concluding final chapter.
My appraisal may be limited and unusual due to the fact that I am a sociologist, not an anthropologist, and I have no prior knowledge of the field context nor the scholarly research conducted in or near this ethnographic setting. However, as a sociologist I have studied deviant drinking for over 25 years, which represents both the basis and bias of my review.
Through the use of very rich observational and interview data, the author has done an excellent job of detailing not only the significance of alcoholic beverages in traditional religious practices and beliefs, but also the religious response to contradictions brought to light by increased deviant drinking and its consequences. The author also addresses the impact of social change on changing drinking patterns and the community's responses to these changes. While observations and analyses of these changes are elaborate, they appear to me to lack theoretical grounding in the sociological literature related to social change and alcohol consumption. Even a brief comparison with religion's role in the temperance/prohibition efforts in Western society would have provided valuable theoretical understandings in this regard.
Eber explicitly takes a feminist orientation to her work that I feel is essential to fully understand women's experiences with deviant drinking and to grasp their less formal yet equally important sources of power. She does a very commendable job of addressing just how women approach and utilize these forms of power. This approach highlights the question of potential bias particularly when the ethnographer explains both her personal experiences ("In my marriage to a recovering alcoholic I have come to understand problems alcoholics and their families face in this society" p. 3), and her use of the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) model of deviant drinking and its control for comparison and analyses. Although the author appears familiar with a key debate in the alcohol literature between what are often referred to as the "problem inflators" and "deflators" or the "drys" and "wets," she fails to identify clearly the AA model as being firmly based within the problem inflation/dry perspective and acknowledge the implications and possible biases therein.
Also of concern is her use of the alcohol-treatment literature, especially that of AA to frame and guide her understandings of both deviant drinking and subsequent efforts to control of such behavior. I see two major problems with the use of this framework. First, a more relevant, appropriate and less-biased framework of analysis would be the broader scholarly literature on definitions of deviant drinking, influences/causes of such drinking, and responses to such drinking at the personal and societal levels. The AA model represents only one of many models within this larger literature. To limit analysis to this model/framework, given its bias in the wet/dry debate, directs and limits the range of Eber's findings. A primary example of this bias relates to AA's view that there cannot be such a condition as controlled drinking among alcoholics(under which all deviant drinkers are assumed to have a biological basis for such behaviors). According to AA, the only way to stop deviant drinking is to abstain completely from consumption. While Eber does recognize that some of her subjects formerly recognized as deviant drinkers seem to now engage in controlled drinking and their religious beliefs appear to play a significant role in the nature and definition of their control, she offers little analysis of this phenomenon.
Also crucial to the use of the AA model of drinking problems is the author's inability to evaluate critically this model theoretically or empirically. Most research in the larger alcohol studies field recognize the AA model primarily as a social movement whose tenets were not necessarily based upon scientific understandings of the time nor have they been altered through the years as newer scientific understandings of deviant drinking and its control have been recognized. In fact, AA represents a self-help group which shuns professional expertise. For example, AA generally holds the belief that only a (recovering) alcoholic can help other alcoholics control their drinking. Indeed, a large body of scholarly work seriously questions many of AA's tenets regarding deviant drinking and its control.
Some scholars have suggested that AA more closely resembles a religious organization complete with its own unique belief system than a treatment program built upon scientific findings and understandings regarding deviant drinking. A recognition of these religious aspects of AA and a comparative analysis with the role of religion in controlling deviant drinking in the setting described by Eber would have been extremely valuable.
Finally, although those who experience intervention through AA often become true believers, some research suggests the populace is not nearly as willing to recognize the drinker's helplessness in controlling their drinking as the AA model argues. This evidence draws into serious question the broad cultural acceptance of the AA model of deviant drinking.
In all, the author's use of the AA model of deviant drinking and its control appears to have limited and biased her analysis. Had she been able to either broaden her perspective on drinking problems or recognized the AA model as primarily a belief system similar to and comparable to some religious institutions, Eber's analysis would have yielded more valuable insights at least for the literature on deviant drinking and its control. As it is, this book still represents a valuable ethnography with exceptionally elaborated data regarding women, drinking, and religion. And, although the analysis may be limited because of the personal and theoretical bias of the author, she should be recognized for acknowledging her potential bias and allowing readers to judge its impact for themselves.
Michael R. Nusbaumer
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
The illustrations in this issue were taken from Tlacatecolotl y el diablo: La cosmovisión de los nahuas de Chicontepec. By Félix Báez-Jorge and Arturo Gómez Martínez. Xalapa: Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, Secretaría de Educación y Cultura, 1998.
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Albion College
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SUNY-Albany
Albany, NY 12222
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Departmento de Humanidades
Universidad de Sonora
Hermosillo, Sonora, MEXICO
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University of Rochester
Rochester, NY 14627
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Louisiana State University
Baton Rouge, LA 70803
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2l8 Ridgeview Drive
Bloomington, IN 47401
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2286 W. Loma Linda
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Center for Archaeoastronomy
P.O. Box X
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Brandeis University
Waltham, MA 02254
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Taller de Traducción
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Ciudad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
G. Cavagna
12911 Buccaneer Road
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University of Arizona, BARA
907 E. 6th Street
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Depto. de Etnohistoria, CIESAS
Victoria 75, Tlalpan
México, D.F. 14000 MEXICO
Center for Latin American
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843 Bolton Rd., U-161
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Puebla-Tlaxcala INAH
Fuertes de Loreto y G.
Puebla, Puebla 72270 MEXICO
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University of Iowa
Iowa City, IA 52242
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CNRS
27 Rue Paul Bert
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Arizona State University
Tempe, AZ 85287
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Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario K1S 5BK CANADA
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University of California
Santa Barbara, CA 93106
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Stanford University
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Austin, TX 78712
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335 E. Center
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305A Moore Blvd.
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Oakland University
Rochester, MI 48309
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University of California-San Diego
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Hermosillo, Sonora MEXICO
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Penn State University
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Univ. of Wisconsin Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI 53201
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Vanderbilt University
Nashville, TN 37325
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P.O. Box 5774
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Depto. de Antropología
Univ. Autonoma Metro.
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Iztapalapa, México, D.F. MEXICO
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Dept. of Anthropology
109 Davenport Hall
607 S. Mathews St.
Urbana, IL 61801
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Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
St. John's University
Jamaica, NY 11439
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Ex Convento de El Carmen
Av. Revolución y Monasterio
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México, D.F. 11560 MEXICO
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Apdo 5-386
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Univ. Libre de Bruxelles
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Latin American Studies
Tulane University
New Orleans, LA 70118
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6525 N. Sheridan Rd.
Chicago, IL 60626
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University of Iowa
Iowa City, IA 52242
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2311 Broadway Ave., S.W.
Roanoke, VA 24014
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Indiana University
F118 Banta
Bloomington, IN 47406
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Vanderbilt University
Nashville, TN 37235
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University of Chicago
1126 East 59th Street
Chicago, IL 60637
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Department of Anthropology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, WI 53706
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Department of History
175 PLC
University of Oregon
Eugene, OR 97403
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Department of Anthropology
University of Oklahoma
Norman, OK 73019
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Tyler Junior College
P.O. Box 9020
Tyler, TX 75711
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Baylor University
P.O. Box 97263
Waco, TX 76798
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Cornell University
Ithaca, NY 14853
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South Florida Community College
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California State University
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Northridge, CA 91330
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INAH
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University of Louisville
Louisville, KY 40292
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University of Arizona
Tucson, AZ 85721
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University of Arizona
Tucson, AZ 85721
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Arch. Inst., Univ. Hamburg
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Thomas More College
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Latin Amer. Studies Program
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Ithaca, NY 14853
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University of Kansas
Lawrence, KS 66045
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Northern Kentucky University
Highland Heights, KY 41099
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2315 Huldy St.
Houston, TX 77019
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4621 Scenic Highway
Pensacola, FL 32504
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Department of Soc./Anthro.
College of Charleston
Charleston, SC 29424
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Grand Valley State Univ.
256 Ash
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University of Minnesota
Minneapolis, MN 55455
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University of Cincinnati
Cincinnati, OH 45221
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McAllen International Museum
l900 Nolana
McAllen, TX 78504
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Denison University
Granville, OH 43023
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Dept. of Anthropology
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI 53201
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Calle Paris 241
México, D.F. 04100 MEXICO
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Department of Anthropology
University of California-San Diego
La Jolla, CA 92093
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Linguistics Research Center
University of Texas-Austin
Austin, TX 78712
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Department of Anthropology
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
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Route 5, Box 118
Pittsboro, NC 27312
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Dept. of Religious Studies
Manhattan College
Riverdale, NY 10471
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Gardenia No. 33
Fracc. Briones
Xalapa, Veracruz MEXICO
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Department of History
University of Houston
Houston, TX 77204
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Dept. of Linguistics
Univ. of California-Irvine
Irvine, CA 92717
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266 Burnham Street
Peterborough, Ontario K9H 1T3
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Department of Anthropology
Tulane University
New Orleans, LA 70118
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Uhlandstr. 182
10719 Berlin GERMANY
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Cherokee Center
Route 2, Box 463
Lavonia, GA 30553
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University of California
Santa Barbara, CA 93106
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University of New Mexico
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UCLA
405 Hilgard Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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University of California, Berkeley
Berkeley, CA 94720
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Osterstrasse 13
20259 Hamburg GERMANY
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Ctr. for Latin American Studies
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
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Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI 53201
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Hertha-Feiner-Asmus-Steig 5
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University of Alberta
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Thaddeus Stevens State
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Ames, IA 50011
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Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas
Circuito Mario de la Cueva
Cuidad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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Circuito Mario de la Cueva
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México, D.F. 10400 MEXICO
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Univ. de las Americas
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Bronx, NY 10457
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Department of History
UCLA
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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University of Tennessee
Knoxville, TN 37996
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Inst. de Invest. Antropológicas
Delegación Coyoacan
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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2524 Corte Del Marques
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4056 East Dryden Lane
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Department of Anthropology
University of California
Santa Barbara, CA 93106
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1135 Medford
Pasadena, CA 91107
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17 Rue Du Repos
7310 Jemappes (Mons)
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A.P. 21-456 Coyoacan
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Museo del Templo Mayor
Calle de Guatemala
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México, D.F. 06060 MEXICO
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University of Texas Press
P.O. Box 7819
Austin, TX 78713
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Latin American Studies
Yale University
New Haven, CT 06520
Pilar Máynez Vidal
Tejocotes 181, D. 402
México, D.F. 03100 MEXICO
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and Sharisse D. McCafferty
Department of Anthropology
Brown University
Providence, RI 02912
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1109 S. Reseda St.
Anaheim, CA 92806
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Ctr. for Lat. Amer. Studies
319 Grinter Hall
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611
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206 Highland Ave.
Devon, PA 19333
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University of Chicago
1126 East 59th St.
Chicago, IL 60637
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401 S. Gillespie
Pampa, TX 79065
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Latin American Institute
University of New Mexico
Albuquerque, NM 87131
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10825 Nettleton St., #111
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University of Utah Press
Salt Lake City, UT 84112
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Gainesville, FL 32611
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Department of Anthropology
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
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RR 5, Box 370
Nashville, IN 47408
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Anthropology Bibliographer
207 Hillman Library
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
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CIESAS
Hidalgo y Matamoros, Tlalpan
México, D.F. 14000 MEXICO
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Dept. of Anthropology
Brigham Young University
Provo, UT 84602
Janet Montoya
2736 Lighthouse Drive
Nassau Bay, TX 77058
Carmen Morúa
Depto. de Letras y Lingüística
Universidad de Sonora
A.P. 793
Hermosillo, Sonora 83000 MEXICO
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Dept. of Modern Languages and Literatures
Union College
Schenectady, NY 12308
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R.D. 2, Box 38, East Lake Rd.
Hamilton, NY 13346
Nancy Mullenax
Department of Anthropology
Tulane University
New Orleans, LA 70118
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I.T.E.S.M.
Campus Querétaro
Querétaro 76000 MEXICO
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Department of Anthropology
Northern Kentucky University
Highland Heights, KY 41076
Federico Nagel B.
Talara 66
Col. Tepeyac-Insurgentes
México, D.F. 07020 MEXICO
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Naucalpan, México MEXICO
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Ciudad Universitaria
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Colonia Zenon Delgado
México, D.F. 01220 MEXICO
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Department of Anthropology
SUNY-Albany
Albany, NY 12222
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Department of Anthropology
UCLA
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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A.P. No. 48-D
Toluca, México 50080 MEXICO
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Department of Anthropology
Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI 53201
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Department of Anthropology
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
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Dept. of Modern Foreign Languages
Indiana-Purdue University
2101 Coliseum Blvd. East
Fort Wayne, IN 46805
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Honmoku 1-184-2
Nakaku, Yokohama 231 JAPAN
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16222 Capri Drive
Houston, TX 77040
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Department of History
Vassar College
Poughkeepsie, NY 12601
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1306 E. 50th Street
Chicago, IL 60615
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Centro Municipal de la
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Vicentente Guerrero 111
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4206 Aqua Verde Dr.
Austin, TX 78746
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Dept. de Invest. Educativas
Avanzados del IPN
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North Harris College
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Houston, TX 77073
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P.O. Box 1623
Tucson, AZ 85702
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Museum of Anthropology
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University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI 48109
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Seminar fur Volkerkunde
University of Bonn
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Pennsylvania State University,
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Heatherton, N.S.
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University of Chicago
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Bonn 1 GERMANY
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University of Helsinki
Helsinki 10 FINLAND
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Arizona State University
Tempe, AZ 85287
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A.P. 40-265
México 11, D.F. MEXICO
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State Univ. of N.J.-Rutgers
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CIESAS del Golfo
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Decanatura de Ciencias Sociales
Universidad de las Américas-Puebla
Sta. Catarina Mártir
72820 Puebla MEXICO
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28607 El Alamo, Madrid SPAIN
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Taller de Traducción
Inst. de Invest. Historicas
Ciudad Universitaria
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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Lat. Amer.- Caribbean Studies
Tamiami Trail
Florida International Univ.
Miami, FL 33199
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5532 Blackstone Avenue
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Towson State University
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17 Résidence Aristide Briand
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Sainte Honorine, Paris FRANCE
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UCLA
Los Angeles, CA 90024
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UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History
Box 951549
Los Angeles, CA 90095
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Dept. of Agronomy
1126 Agronomy Hall
Iowa State University
Ames, IA 50011
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Indiana-Purdue University
2101 Coliseum Blvd. East
Fort Wayne, IN 46805
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Baltimore, MD 21231
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Mendelssohnstr. 12
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School of American Research
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Box 2188
Santa Fe, NM 87504
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Loyola University Chicago
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University of Guelph
Guelph, Ontario NIG 2W1
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University of Montana
Missoula, MT 59812
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Université de Paris X
Avenue de la République
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Taller de Traducción
Inst. de Invest. Historicas
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Instituto de Invest. Filológicas
UNAM
Circuito Mario de la Cueva
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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Inst. de Invest. Antropológica
Circuito Exterior
Delegación Coyoacan
México, D.F. 04510 MEXICO
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Univ. de las Américas
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Tucson, AZ 85722
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Austin, TX 78712
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California State University
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New Mexico State University
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UCLA
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Last updated: 11/29/07